Feel the difference

On March 14, the Kyiv Court of Appeal adjourned to March 15 the hearing on the request to change the preventive measure applied to Hennadii Korban. The court granted Korban’s lawyers’ motion to order the prosecution to produce the originals of the documents instituting the preventive measure, so that they could be compared with the copies on file.

A similar decision to adjourn the meeting was taken on March 11 as well. The author was present at that hearing (http://www.day.kiev.ua/en/article/ day-after-day/just-tip-iceberg), and was able to talk, in particular, with the current Mayor of Dnipropetrovsk Borys Filatov.

“Thank God that the passions have calmed down a little. The trial has been transformed from a mad confrontation into a more logical proceeding. I came to offer moral support to my friend and convey greetings from his hometown, where people remember and wait for him.”

 What do you think, how will the trial develop next?

“I find it hard to assess. I hope all be fine.”

 And what about the political component?

“Questionable actions are being taken not only against Korban, but also against other patriots, they are just less well-known. We have trials everywhere. It is not only Korban whom the system tries to destroy. This is just the tip of the iceberg.”

 You are talking about the system. How has it changed today compared with the time of Leonid Kuchma or Viktor Yanukovych?

“I can say that as the mayor, I have experienced no pressure on the part of the regional state administration or law-enforcement agencies. It was totally unexpected for me. Perhaps I should thank Valentyn [Reznichenko, the head of the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast State Administration. – Author] for his balanced position, but our city is calm in this respect. Yes, there is a heated political struggle going on between the UKROP and the Opposition Bloc, and we have created, even if with great difficulty, a majority of our own in the local council, but we have had no issues with the state authorities to date (I do not know how the situation will develop further).”

 But what about the political system that has developed in Ukraine in general over the years?

“I find it difficult to give comments of this sort, since I have concentrated on governing the city lately. And let me tell you, it has greatly changed my worldview. It is one thing to be a legislator, who can make any political statements, and another thing to sit in the mayor’s chair, and have to make decisions every day, including unpopular ones: say, a pipe has burst, or the city has to turn off electricity supply to someone, or the opposition accuses you of lobbying someone’s interests in a road construction project – it is unending routine business for which you have to take responsibility. I hold the mayoralty in a city with a million residents, and that is radically different from the MP’s work.”

 You did not think it would be easy, did you?

“I was ready for any scenario, but genuinely hoped that good sense would sooner or later prevail with Oleksandr Vilkul or Zahid Krasnov. On the other hand, I underestimated how strong corruption was. Whatever action I take, ranging from utility companies and ending with dismissing, for example, a district head, I can be sure to get calls, visits from councilors, etc. The municipal system has just completely rotted, and this process was going especially fast while we had no mayor. This entire bunch is making every effort to cling to cash flows, positions, interests it previously controlled... The head of the oblast state administration has a clear hierarchy where they can make personnel decisions, but in the local government, everything has to be negotiated with councilors, to comply with the regulations, the balance of interests... I need to look for ways to resolve the issues all the time.

“I knew that the city was in decay, but I did not know how deep it was. Two of my opponents have still not realized that the election has ended, the mayor has been elected, so they need to go about their business rather than keep campaigning. As rumors fly that the Constitution will be amended and the local elections will be held in two years, they keep campaigning. Vilkul, pardon my choice of words, has ‘pissed away’ everything he could, since he lost elections for the regional council, the city district councils, the city council and the mayoralty. I do not understand why the Opposition Bloc keeps him as the leader.”

 You are being accused precisely of cooperating with former members of the Party of Regions.

“It is a governability issue. Yes, I can dismiss them all, but who will work then? It is impossible to destroy everything in a day and then start over to create everything from scratch. I, for instance, wanted to dismiss directors of municipal enterprises who were outright corrupt, but they called in sick, stole all the documents, and disappeared.”

 How do you plan to break the system under these conditions, then?

“Difficult issues abound. In particular, personnel and salaries are among them. No highly skilled professional wants to work for the city and get paid 2,000 to 3,000 hryvnias per month, while those who do agree to work for pittance do so with a view to stealing something. We can, of course, begin to raise salaries in the utilities, for example, by paying 30,000 hryvnias to their directors, but the opposition will start screaming the next day that people have to survive on 1,200-hryvnias-a-month pensions, while city officials set salaries of 30,000 hryvnias for themselves... Another issue, which I much regret having, is the surfeit of advisors. All criticize me, all give advice, and when I call on them to come and work, they reply that they would like to keep giving outside advice. And so on. Nevertheless, I believe and know that we will be able to slowly break down this system.”