But the intrigues are well underway
By Iryna HAVRYLOVA, The Day
The date (February 16) for Parliament fixing the date of the Kyiv mayoral
election was clearly inauspicious for Mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko, for it
was overflowing with other more important events: the Constitutional Court
hearing the Communist Party case, a UUIE congress and preparations for
debates over the Lazarenko affair led to many proponents of electing the
mayor on May 16, with the Speaker at the head, being absent.
What the Deputy Speaker really managed to do is cancel repeated discussion
of the issue and conduct a hasty procedure of adopting the Verkhovna Rada
resolution. As a result, 164 deputies voted to elect the mayor on May 16,
and 191 to elect the mayor simultaneously with the President in October.
It is interesting to note that the current Chairman of the City Council
somewhat changed his view on his own legitimate status before it came time
to finally settle the matter of mayor elections. Oleksandr Omelchenko is
seriously concerned about who will sign the capital's 1999 budget come
March: the "unlawful" Chairman or the legitimate Head of the City
State Administration, using force. True, the CSA Head hoped that the Deputies
will muster the courage and political responsibility to vote for democratic
elections on May 16. The more so that the Speaker gave Mr. Omelchenko an
opportunity to translate his hopes into reality, for example by working
with the Communists whose platform, in Mr. Omelchenko's own words, "coincides
with the city administration's policy." The state administration head's
maneuvering alarmed even those political forces which had backed him when
voting on the mayor elections' date. The Greens were the first to note
that "Oleksandr Omelchenko is trying to switch sides precisely at this
crucial stage." Thus, Deputy Ihor Kyriushyn (Greens) is convinced that
"all heads of administrations appointed by the President must help Leonid
Kuchma get reelected." What makes the situation tragic, he adds, is that
"whatever measures we take do not in any way depend on the man standing
at the head of state. Even those who still depend on that man want to be
independent." Mr. Kyriushyn agrees with those close to the President that
"Kyiv mayoral elections may be a hazardous move for the presidential campaign,
so that Leonid Kuchma will not get 100% support in the capital." Another
thing is that if the current CSA Head runs together with the President
he will have to "uphold his prestige in the city, supporting Mr. Kuchma
as befits his protege."
Mr. Omelchenko must be well aware that campaigning with the President
(having thus to show his support of the Chief Executive in public) will
dampen his own chances considerably. In an interview with The Day he avoided
a straight question whether he would back Leonid Kuchma. Instead, he stated
that "the notion of support of the President currently in office becomes
nonsensical once he and other contenders get registered, for after that
they are all equal candidates, not presidents, speakers or ex-premiers,"
adding brightly, "I might also want to join the race if and when I become
Kyiv Mayor. In that case I would, of course, support no one else except
myself." A very bold statement, considering that only several months ago
Mr. Omelchenko declared that running on a par with Mr. Kuchma would
be unethical and in every other way made it clear that he was the President's
man.
The Greens might have a point doubting Oleksandr Omelchenko's loyalty.
It is just possible that the newly elected Kyiv Mayor will back not Leonid
Kuchma but Oleksandr Tkachenko, judging by the friendship that has developed
between the two. And friendship more often than not this implies common
interests. In fact, Mr. Omelchenko believes that such interests "may be
found, considering the Speaker's determination to preserve and implement
the Law on the Capital." He feels that the mayor is interested in establishing
order and stability in Kyiv as a citizen and lawmaker. The President's
exponents among the Greens are sure, however, that the Speaker wants to
have a man he can trust in the capital.
Of course, if Mr. Omelchenko does not take an unequivocally propresidential
stand, the President will be able to sign an edict firing the CSA Head.
As it is, Oleksandr Tkachenko's growing confidence about the outcome of
the presidential campaign in "his city" is based on the understanding that
there is actually no one to replace him. Of course, he must have heard
word about Mr. Surkis's possible rivalry and the presidential team scheming
against Oleksandr Omelchenko. There is no official evidence that the "key
soccer player" has been recruited to score in Mr. Omelchenko's goal and
Hrihory Surkis is very vague about his immediate plans with regard to the
mayor elections.
As a final touch to the picture of intrigue round these elections, event
though as yet unappointed, it should be noted that Ihor Kyriushyn said
on behalf of "forces supporting the President," that if those in power
nominate Surkis "we would rather support Omelchenko, because no clans should
be allowed to usurp the municipal authority in Kyiv." By the same token,
the current Head of the City State Administration "suits us just fine,
because he supports the balance of interests. And if the President says
that Omelchenko must be aided, the Greens will do just that," Mr. Kyriushyn
pointed out. In other words, there is a deal that can be haggled over and
there would be no deal if a United Social Democrat became Mayor.






