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Marchuk's Main Theses: Dictatorship of Law with the
People's Support, Plus Reliance on Young People
By Volodymyr ZOLOTARIOV, The Day
Yevhen Marchuk's first press conference devoted to the official start of
his election campaign drew great attention, including that of regional
journalists. The resulting dialogue can be called Marchuk's Program in
Questions and Answers, so we think it worthwhile to present it in precisely
this form.
"Why do you want to become President? If you win, you will get a
ruined state."
"For many politicians today, the presidency has a certain sweet taste,
they think they will be able to fully realize their potential. I differ
from them by knowing this is not so. I have enough experience of working
in both the executive and legislative branches, and I do not think I will
be overjoyed even at my inauguration. But I want to become President precisely
because I view things soberly: I know what to do and how to do it."
"Parliament is now trying to amend the Constitution to limit presidential
powers. Should this happen, you will lose your chance to carry out the
necessary policies."
"I don't think this will happen. If such amendments are adopted, they
will not have enough time to come into force before the elections. I am
aware of the sentiments of the Deputies who have initiated these amendments,
and I believe these sentiments will vanish after the elections, when the
initiators see a new President capable of action."
"How do you assess Mr. Kuchma's presidency in purely human terms?"
"I won't make such an assessment, I think the people will do so in the
elections. I will only remind you that all the main indicators in this
country have worsened during this period."
"What can we expect from you? What are you going to do above all?"
"All hope lies in entrepreneurship. Even now, 60-70% of local budgets
are being paid for at the expense of entrepreneurs. So the main thing is
to create the necessary conditions for business by lessening the tax burden."
"You always say you are going to unite Ukraine. How do you intend
to do so?"
"Young people in both the Donbas and Lviv think alike. The basis of
such unification can only be laid by the dictatorship of law with the support
of the whole people, including young people, and the reliance on young
highly skilled professionals who want to live in this country and do something
for it."
"Do you have an alternative to the scenario: reformer Kuchma vs.
Red peril Symonenko?
"True, such a scenario is being attempted and, according to its authors,
guarantees Mr. Kuchma victory. I have not seen any special oppositions
from local authorities to, say, Mr. Symonenko's contacts with voters. But
I think nothing will come of it for the simple reason that Mr. Kuchma is
no reformer and Mr. Symonenko leads no Red peril. But the methods of counteraction
are already painted out."
"How do you assess the prospects of rigging the election?"
"I want to note that rumors about inevitable fixing are often spread
by the administration itself. I know of such cases. By doing so, they try
to instill in people the idea that to vote is useless. I will only remind
you that the law envisions criminal prosecution of those involved in rigging
elections. The rumors, for some reason, hush this up. I will say we have
certain ways to neutralize falsification."
"Do you think it necessary to reform the executive branch?"
"Yes. There are two components of reform: one through the Constitution,
and the other through changing the balance between the administration and
the Cabinet of Ministers. There should be changes in the way ministers
controlling security services are appointed. I'll tell you that when I
was appointed Security Service chief by Parliament, I could tell President
Kravchuk much more truth, warts and all, than can a presidential appointee."
"What do you think about events at the Mykolayiv Alumina Plant?"
"What is going on at the Mykolayiv Alumina Plant is sheer banditry,
the last round in the redistribution of property. When still Prime Minister,
I tried to establish operational control over everything concerning this
plant through the coercive structures subordinated to the President, not
the Premier."
"You talk about decriminalizing the economy. How will you do it?"
"It is a complex technique with its own stages, first of all, the deshadowization
of the economy and, second, the decriminalization of the state: in this
case one must not only fire the corrupt officials but also eliminate criminal
structures within official circles. You cannot decriminalize the economy
without doing this."
"What is your vision of the relationship between central and local
government?"
"The central authorities should share with the government both power
and responsibility. I want to add that a sufficient number of well-trained
people has already been formed in the provinces in local administrative
bodies. That these people are not being used the way they should be is
one of the main strategic mistakes of the incumbent President."
"Do you think regional governors should be elected or appointed from
Kyiv?"
"At the present stage, I favor the presidential-parliamentary model
enshrined in the Constitution. I believe governors should thus far be appointed.
However, what is critically necessary is a budgetary reform which would
allow a normal distribution of incomes between the center and the regions."
"What will be Ukraine's foreign policy in case of your victory?"
"My foreign political strategy lies in a civilized orientation toward
Europe, with normal and businesslike, not only 'no-necktie,' relations
with Russia and Belarus kept intact."
"Whom do you consider your biggest rival?"
"Oleksandr Moroz is the most competitive."
"Is a Marchuk/Moroz tandem possible, when the roles are divided:
one is President, the other Premier?"
"Mr. Vinsky once said that if Marchuk supports Moroz, we will offer
him whatever he wants. I also want to say that we still have lots of attractive
posts. I want to stress that although we are political opponents, we are
not enemies."
"And how do you assess the current President's competitiveness?"
"In spite of everything, he has a chance, though it is greatly exaggerated
by the media he controls."
"How do you assess the chances of Oleksandr Tkachenko?"
"Mr. Tkachenko's chances are slim: he is sure to face political problems
both in Western and Eastern Ukraine." (In particular, the candidate referred
to such issues as land ownership, privatization, and the idea of forming
a union of Slavic states - Ed.).
"What is your attitude toward pressure on the press?"
"A war on the press begets dictatorship. I think the time is coming
when journalists will set up a corporate structure to defend their interests."
"When do you think the decisive stage in the mudslinging war will
come?"
"I think mud-slinging means empty and unsubstantiated accusations. But
if factual events are made public, this is not mudslinging. As to the mudslinging
war, I call upon everyone not to start one. For this is by far the most
dangerous thing for the country's image."







