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Where there is no law, but every man does what is right in his own eyes, there is the least of real liberty
Henry M. Robert

Changes to Come in the Left Center

13 November, 2012 - 00:00

Oleksandr Moroz has for the first time legalized the Moroz-Speaker-Lazarenko-Premier formula.

At the Sixth Socialist Party Congress, Oleksandr Moroz, when asked whether he supported Lazarenko’s Premiership, told journalists: “Lazarenko’s abilities as a thrifty manager with a serious strong-willed stand could be used for the needs of the state, provided government control is secured, especially in the market.”

It also seems that Hromada is not the only thing the party is interested in. A political coalition is being negotiated, oriented toward social justice and centrism. The idea is supposed to have been conceived by three political forces. Ivan Kyrylenko, speaking on the Deputy Channel Friday, admitted that the proposal originates with the Social Democrats (this faction’s relations with the Greens have found organizational expression). Oleksandr Turchynov, interviewed by The Day, stated that Hromada has long proposed such cooperation. As for Oleksandr Moroz, he gave the idea of a popular-patriotic movement a theoretical footing at the conference. For the time being, Parliament consists of two roughly equal components: the Left and the rest, with the former being unable to solve the problem of social protection single-handedly Thus Mr. Moroz proposed a new alignment: not Left and Right, but those supporting changes in the current political course and the apologists of this “bankrupt course.” The latter, in his opinion, include primarily the NDP (he thinks this faction will split up shortly). The opponents are expected to form a coalition government.

Of course, if and when formed, a Socialist-Centrist coalition will be rather shaky, one of the reasons being that Oleksandr Moroz will never sanction the legalization of private land ownership. His right hand, Ivan Chyzh, told The Day: “A Parliamentary majority could be formed just to elect the Verkhovna Rada leadership, but it could well fall apart during the very first economic vote.” At the same time, he does not rule out the possibility of cooperation even with Rukh: under its slogan “Prison for the Bandits” and the Socialists’ social justice idea.

Mr. Moroz must be fully aware that cooperation between potential partners and the Socialists with their current image as CPU “cadre nursery” is highly questionable. Radical changes in the Socialist Party’s policy were declared: rejuvenation, shedding Marxist dogmas, forming its own financial structures, moving out of the CPU’s shadow. He even hinted that the Communists borrowed their key program clauses from the Socialists.

Of course, he cannot but realize that such words will not be approved by the older SPU members forming its bulk, just as the Communists will take a dim view of his party’s “opportunism” (Kateryna Samoilenko, CPU CC Secretary, present at the convention did not conceal her amazement at hearing all this). But he also understands that the SPU owes him its success during the elections: no denying it or that effective participation in the presidential campaign calls for disowning the CPU and forming its own developed and powerful organization. The more so that the Communists nominated their leader for the Speaker’s post. Eventually they realized that Petro Symonenko would never be elected, but if they figure things out as quickly during the presidential campaign, Moroz is likely to be elected sometime in 2004.

Oleksandr Moroz declared that the middle class is also part of the SPU electorate, thus obviously guiding his party toward the center. The Peasant Party, keeping more to the Left and playing a sluggish political game, does not seem to like this turn of events. Its leader Serhiy Dovhan said they wanted equal membership of the trilateral leftist alliance, but Oleksandr Moroz quickly brought him to his bearings: the joint faction was formed as resolved by two conventions and no resolutions to the contrary were passed. He further said that the two parties might unite eventually.

Oleksandr Turchynov offered the most fantastic scenario: “The Social Democrats, Hromada, and Socialists have their own presidential candidates, perhaps even the Communists do. Nothing has been negotiated, but if the Left-Center majority agrees on a candidate, he will be as a good as inaugurated. In that case people from the right center will also want to join us.”

HISTORICAL REFERENCE

Ivan Chyzh, a leader of the Left Center, suggests that Symonenko’s result became possible precisely because the factions had weakened their control over Deputies’ conduct. In an interview with Interfax-Ukraine he said that another reason was members were “tired of the long marathon” (ninth try to elect a Speaker). When asked which of the factions, besides the Left, could have supported Symonenko, he mentioned Hromada, NDP, and a number of nonaffiliated deputies. He did not think that any of the Rukh people would have done so. As for NDP, Comrade Chyzh said that only “the skeleton of this faction is party-affiliated, while its muscles have other interests,” including purely regional ones.

 

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