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Where there is no law, but every man does what is right in his own eyes, there is the least of real liberty
Henry M. Robert

Do Communists Have a Choice in Coming Elections?

24 November, 1998 - 00:00


Just as predicted, the November 14 Communist Party of Ukraine plenum
was held in a place known only to the Left.

Naturally, the key problem - the work of local party branches with the
intelligentsia was discussed casually, while the things "too early to discuss"
were discussed actively. Finally, the plenum recommended the coming CPU
congress support the Party leader Petro Symonenko for President.

The idea of forming "people's opposition bloc," supported by the plenum,
is also very interesting. It is worth reminding that this idea was born
at the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) congress. And the fact that the
Communists have now added it to their arsenal, instead of producing their
own "Ukraine's revival program" shows Oleksandr Moroz's strong ideological
influence on the Communists. That is why Moroz expressed his complete readiness
to cooperate and consult with the CPU, despite his and Symonenko's rival
candidacies. Moroz thinks a Peasant Party representative may also join
them, for instance Serhiy Dovhan, and that "the united leftists should
influence the situation and take steps adequate to the situation on the
eve of the elections. However, Kyiv SPU leader Vasyl Arestov told The
Day that despite preliminary declarations, no Socialist was invited
to the CPU plenum. However, the Communists themselves consider the "team
option" proposed by Moroz a harbinger of his victory.

One national democrat leader, Volodymyr Filenko, thinks the Communists
currently cannot make up their minds regarding their candidate for President,
and there is no consensus on the issue. He also assumes that the delay
in solving this problem depends greatly on the adoption of a new law on
presidential elections. Oleksandr Lavrynovych reported that the bill now
accepted as a basis is fine with the Communists, and they are actively
working on it in the committee. However, taking into account that the bill
is currently undergoing revision and has not been included on the legislative
agenda, interested parties are likely to take their time with passing it,
thus giving additional time for "negotiations and consultations among the
representatives of Left wing forces."

Interestingly, despite all recommendations, the negotiators are not
quite certain that Symonenko will be the leftists' candidate. For instance,
Volodymyr Moyiseyenko declared that "though we made decisions at the plenum,
many things can change in six months time." In fact, one CPU faction member
believes that "the congress will adopt a middle of the road, vague decision.
And this congress, will have a number of stages, just like NDP congress,
so that no one understands anything." Moyiseyenko also suggested nominating
over a dozen of worthy party members, arguing that "if Symonenko's candidacy
fails to satisfy all Left bloc allies, negotiations will turn to several
other figures able to unite the Left and above all the CPU." He believes
that, for instance, Leonid Hrach or Stanislav Hurenko would make perfect
substitutes. Remarkably, at this stage Moroz is also satisfied with this
option of increasing the number of leftist candidates. He this "this does
not complicate the situation for negotiation and is an optimal option."

NDP representative believes "Symonenko does not much want to run for
President, because he is certain he will lose." The CPU leader himself
said, "Today the question should be approached from a different angle -
we should speak of a joint leftist team, instead of one candidate." Symonenko
evaded the question about his fearing defeat, but he said that "the CPU
will be the most active participant in the election process; our congress
will determine its form," indirectly supporting this version.

According to Hromada representatives, there is an opinion, that if the
congress fails to support Symonenko, the threat would arise that the President
could ban the CPU by pressuring the Constitutional Court just as it was
planned in Russia. According to one People's Deputy, "this idea is just
as utopian, as the idea of dissolving Parliament often mentioned of late
by President Kuchma." However, the President is unlikely to do either this
or somehow split the Communist faction. Internal moods in the party are
far from having a single meaning. Moyiseyenko is convinced that, for example,
it is advantageous for Oleksandr Tkachenko to support the Communist leader.
If he wins, he will make Tkachenko the country's number one politician
by legally registering the decision on getting rid of the presidency. This
is why, should a leftist bloc become a reality, a serious competition for
influence on the CPU should be expected in it between the Peasant and Socialist
parties of Ukraine.

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