A long time ago, this author happened to read about a copy of a Nazi camp somewhere in the West, in which local workers could spend weekends as inmates after paying a heavy entrance fee. Such institutions are a symbol of prevalent postmodernism that boils down, briefly, to a play on contexts and a gross provocation. The outcome is (a) predictable (as was the case with the socialist camp) or (b) does not matter one way or the other (as in Tarantino & Co. Movies), because the really important thing is manipulating the plot.
Last week was highlighted by Russian-Ukrainian relationships. President Kuchma flew on a state visit to Moscow where he is expected to sign further Ukrainian-Russian accords. The ones still to be signed have been exposed to sufficient criticism. Here the sudden shift in the plot is that the old tune about the inviolability of national borders is now performed not by the joint national-democratic choir, but by a soloist named Serhiy Teriokhin. He believes that the Russian-Ukrainian Treaty is tantamount to Ukraine's "surrender" and that it may well result in the two countries having a single budget. Oleksandr Razumkov, Deputy Chairman of the National Security and Defense Council, calls this nonsense, but refers to the treaty as "unprecedented," which is intriguing. Further developments are predictable. The documents are very likely to be signed, just as professional patriots in both capitals will give vent to their outrage, followed by both signatories defending their positions. In the end no one will be to blame, for want of incriminating evidence, as the text of the treaty will stay out of reach.
Following government, the next victim of the "genre crisis" was the classic of domestic political postmodernism, Dmytro Korchynsky. After quitting the Ukrainian National Assembly (too dull!), he sided with Vitchyzna (Fatherland). His devotees expected this shift of scenes to give the classic a fresh creative impetus. Alas! Vitchyzna has so to date called on President Kuchma to cancel the elections, adding vaguely that he would be sorry if he did not. As for Korchynsky, he declared that President Lukashenko ruling next door was good because he had created a regime that could be ended only by a revolution. This statement evoked no enthusiastic response from those of his fans familiar with Marxist literature.
Until the very last moment the Constitutional Court had held the political intrigue in suspense. Its verdict, when returned, proved well within the confines of the postmodern tradition. The law on elections would stay. As was to be expected, because overruling the 4% barrier would be avant-garde, no longer in vogue. Now the communists can be congratulated, because the 4% barrier of premium seats in Parliament is sure to assert their absolute numerical superiority as a faction. Experts on intrigue claim, however, that this is precisely the new shift in the plot. First you make Parliament Red, then say it is bad, and disband the damned thing. Sounds interesting.






