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Where there is no law, but every man does what is right in his own eyes, there is the least of real liberty
Henry M. Robert

Serhiy TERIOKHIN: "Tax policy is also politics"

13 November, 2012 - 00:00

By Iryna HAVRYLOVA, The Day

The constituent convention of the Taxpayers' Association of Ukraine (TAU),
with Reforms and Order Economy Council chairman Serhiy Teriokhin elected
to preside, attracted a bit more publicity than usual due a "lobbyist volunteer
organization pursuing humanitarian aims." And even the taxpayers' courteous
gestures toward the executive deceived no one. When representatives of
the financial-banking elite gather in a certain place, regardless of party
affiliation, it can only mean that the situation forced them to combine
efforts under one "roof." Yet when this place is visited by people representing
one of the presidential candidates it is not difficult to guess who this
"roof" is meant for. Actually, it would be naive to assume that TAU will
not deal with tax policy. It will, but cautiously. As for the possibility
of TAU taking up big-time politics and its involvement in or with the 1999
presidential campaign, The Day's Iryna HAVRYLOVA interviewed
TAU leader Serhiy Teriokhin.

The Day: What makes you as the organizer and leader of the
Taxpayers' Association of Ukraine pretend, both at the convention and news
conference that TAU is a public organization and nothing more? Could it
be because any political exposure other than in conjunction with Leonid
Kuchma might be dangerous, especially considering the number of important
business people in your organization?

S. T.: Let's first agree on the definitions. Tax policy is also
politics. However, we understand politics differently. It is whether a
person takes part in the electoral process and whether or not this person
wants to be elected. As for TAU, it is not meant to take part in any election
campaigns or make any efforts to get our people appointed to some post
or another.

The Day: Yes, but one can take part in a campaign indirectly.

S. T.: Every individual has certain topics that are never discussed
with anybody, like religion, ethnic origin, sexual preferences, and that
person's political choice. Each and every one of us supports a certain
candidate, directly or otherwise affecting that candidate's victory as
a personality. We have quite a few influential politicians and businessmen.
Yet we remain outside all parties and we have no task to participate in
the election process as a single entity. There are members of numerous
parties on our Coordinating Council - People's Democrats, Reforms and Order,
Communists, Socialists, members of the Christian People's Union, etc. By
the way, quite a few political analysts insist that the political future
in the twenty-first century will belong not to parties but to volunteer
organizations...

The Day: Perhaps, but we are still in the twentieth century,
and it shows that being a political party is dangerous. One can do anything
to it, any time. Is wearing the mask of a humanitarian structure more practical?

S. T.: We could call ourselves a taxpayers' party...

The Day: Yet the word party would cause some response from
those in power, wouldn't it?

S. T.: Our ideology is such that we cannot receive elective posts
because of this organization a priori. Ask any of our businessmen
what troubles them most.

The Day: Maybe relationships with the regime?

S. T.: No. His biggest concern is getting under the right political
roof. Once you grow bigger than a street peddler and really start in business
you have find the right bureaucrat and keep feeding him. Or get a place
under the right political roof. And let me tell you quite cynically: everything
in this country is under a political roof. You heard me. Hence, we don't
have to use TAU to elbow our way through to a certain bureaucratic seat.
I could use my Reforms and Order Party if I wanted to.

The Day: Does it seem to you that Oleksandr Tkachenko's nomination
and his chances of winning the race have made different people from different
parties - the Greens, Reforms & Order, and so on - unite? Perhaps because
they became aware of a direct threat to their business. While one could
come to terms with practically any other candidate, this man is an exception.
He will build capitalism for himself and communism for all the rest. Thus
people have to rally round a different candidate and support him, morally
as well as financially.

S. T.: In that case you could attach the TAU convention to any
candidate, because it was held after the nomination process began.

The Day: Suppose I attach it to Oleksandr Moroz. The more
so that his people were in attendance at your humanitarian gathering and
even read his message of greetings. We all know that he never participates
in a public event unless there are certain strings attached.

S. T.: Two days prior to the convention I personally handed invitation
cards to Medvedchuk, Tkachenko, Pustovoitenko, and Cabinet people. And
let us just end at this note.

The Day: Why end? At the convention you declared your aloofness
from the 1999 campaign and then a delegate took the floor, obviously unrehearsed,
asking who to give the ballots to. How about that?

S. T.: I wish I could say out loud which of the candidates I
would like to see as the next President, from the standpoint of taxes,
but I am a Reforms and Order member and I wholeheartedly supported the
party's resolution never to support Symonenko, Vitrenko, or Tkachenko.
And nor will it ever support Leonid Kuchma. When we voted in favor of Hennady
Udovenko we had in mind the 2002 elections.

The Day: Meaning that Mr. Udovenko is okay by you in terms
of taxes?

S. T.: You see, I do not want to expect any economic moves from
Mr. Udovenko. I want to expect from him correct steps in appointing the
Cabinet. He has an excellent record as a career diplomat and the President
should pay attention to the ideas of democracy and social partnership inside
the country, while popularizing his country abroad. This is a gesture of
goodwill and we expect him to reciprocate before the next parliamentary
elections. But if he doesn't make it to the second round we will choose
between those who will, provided they are not from the Left Four.

The Day: But suppose two Leftists get there, Tkachenko and
Moroz?

S. T.: As for Tkachenko, I can only describe him as a Brezhnev-type
of the lowest grade.

The Day: And Oleksandr Moroz?

S. T.: Everybody tends to move toward political perfection.

The Day: Could he move far enough to cut an attractive figure
for you?

S. T.: We will vote for whoever is theoretically closer to us.
Should Yevhen Marchuk make it into the second round, we would, of course,
vote for him.

 

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