By Iryna HAVRYLOVA, The Day
As was predicted by The Day, Parliament approved Ukraine's accession
to the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly (230 ayes). It was interesting to
watch political forces far remote from the Left camp work to secure Comrade
Symonenko's project (e.g., the Greens, United Social Democrats, Batkivshchyna
[Fatherland], Independents, Regions, etc.). And Rukh showed that they valued
their principles, inner-party squabble notwithstanding, and that if one
were to regard the Interparliamentary Assembly as waving a red flag at
a bull, fight they would under any weather. And so their traditional attack
on the presidium differed from all previous ones only in one respect: this
time microphones were torn off base not by Mr. Chornovil, now leading Rukh-1,
but by other party activists. Mr. Chornovil kept away from the melee, although
his remark, "See, they broke up Rukh specially to push us into the Assembly,"
must have triggered off the Rukh-Rukh-1 onslaught on the presidium. Remarkably,
the operation was carried out with the NDP taking most enthusiastic part,
despite the Speaker's attempt to hold them in check, announcing that he
had talked to both the President and Premier and they favored joining the
body. Actually, this announcement not only failed to have the expected
effect but quite possibly added to the doubts of those undecided on the
issue. In the stormy debate neither the Greens nor Social Democrats demanded
microphone time to voice their views, where a clear voice from Hromada
spoke, "You really want to raise President Tkachenko on Lazarenko's grave,
don't you?"
After Comrade Symonenko's project collected the required 223 votes the
Speaker summoned faction leaders for a closeted conference to find out
why "previous arrangements" had not worked. According to Taras Stetskiv,
direct instructions were given Batkivshchyna, Regions, Greens, and SDPU(u)
to secure accession to the CIS body. Vasyl Khmelnytsky, cochairman of the
Green faction, when asked by The Day to comment on this allegation,
said: "Regrettably, Mr. Pustovoitenko issued no such instructions, so the
faction decided to vote as we saw fit." And there was no need to ask the
Social Democrats, for Mr. Chornovil stated that Messrs. Surkis and Zinchenko
left their ballots before flying to Madrid to watch a major soccer game,
and their cards were used to vote for aiming "Ukraine's foreign political
vector in the Eurasian, rather than European direction."
Many are convinced that Leonid Kuchma's sanctioning accession to assembly
is another asset gained by Oleksandr Tkachenko. One of the Agrarian leaders
made it clear that the President was afraid that by signing a resolution
on the issue he would play into Mr. Tkachenko's hands, and that the Chief
Executive was actually playing a double game, supporting the project with
one hand and pointing accusingly at it with the other. In other words,
by announcing nationwide that Mr. Kuchma was for joining the assembly,
the Speaker put him in an embarrassing situation. "It is hard to imagine
how Leonid Kuchma is going to collect votes on the Right Bank," wonders
Taras Stetskiv. Most importantly, voters are not the only people asking
themselves what made the President change his stand seven months before
the campaign after opposing the Interparliamentary Assembly idea for three
years. This "multivector" conduct will prompt the Communists to suggest
that after he becomes President again he will go back on his word just
as easily. And even democrats may think twice before backing a man veering
about like a weathervane.
PS: Yuri Kostenko's Rukh faction intends to contest Parliament's
resolution in the Constitutional Court.
From The Day's files
The CIS Interparliamentary Assembly was founded as per an agreement
signed March 27, 1992, in Almaty, by the Speakers of Belarus, Armenia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.
Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova acceded later. Uzbekistan took no part
in its activities. The body's head office is in St. Petersburg and Secretariat
in the Tavriya Palace (where the State Duma of the Russian Empire once
met). The organization has an Assembly Council and standing and ad hoc
committees. Chairmen of the council and commissions are elected, as a rule,
from among Russian dignitaries. It is currently headed by Mikhail Krotov,
Deputy of the Council of the Federation.
The Interparliamentary Assembly has observer status with the Interparliamentary
Union. Ukraine has participated in the assembly as an observer, sending
delegations mostly composed of Left factions of Parliament. There are no
reports in writing on their work in the assembly.
The body is governed by the CIS Charter, not signed by Ukraine. The
document defines the assembly as an international consultative body to
discuss matters relating to cooperation and joint proposals of national
parliaments, facilitating the rapprochement and harmonization of national
legislation. Pursuant to the Interparliamentary Assembly Convention, signed
on May 26, 1995, by the heads of member states, the organization's principal
objective is to convert the CIS into an association of countries with harmonized
legislation; it is expected to adopt standard elements of law and recommendations
meant for CIS member states.
The convention authorized the assembly to make international treaties
on behalf of the signatories; in other words, it is actually granted the
status of an international legal entity. According to Volodymyr Tkachenko,
author of the book The Commonwealth of Independent States and the Interests
of Ukraine, this status runs counter to the Ukraine's Declaration of
National Sovereignty. Article 13-17 of the convention reflect body's claims
to this status. Assembly officials enjoy immunity and privileges similar
to those vested in the officials of international organizations.
Under a protocol decision of the Interparliamentary Assembly Council
of June 8, 1994, the Secretariat of the body's council is exempt from all
direct and indirect taxes and duties, federal as well as local, and the
same applies to all customs payments. Its humanitarian fund is also likewise
tax-exempt.
Ukraine's accession to the organization is expected to require a 25-30%
share of its overall budget.
If the Russian Duma's proposal is implemented, Russia will get 148 of
the body's 268 seats; Ukraine will have 52; 22 will go to Uzbekistan, 17
to Kazakhstan, 10 to Belarus; Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Tajikistan will
receive 8 each; Armenia, Moldova, and Turkmenistan (still not affiliated)
will have 4 each.
The assembly's influence on CIS status is supposed to be limited. It
has not as yet developed an effective vehicle to monitor the implementation
of its own decisions.







