Ukraine’s government wins vote of confidence

Without a doubt, July 11 was the day of Yulia Tymoshenko’s triumph. She took a risk and won. The plan known as “Yulia until July” suffered a shattering defeat.

That day the atmosphere in the Verkhovna Rada was tenser than it had been in a long time. Around 11 a.m., Parliamentary Speaker Arsenii Yatseniuk announced the stunning news that Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko had agreed to the Party of Regions’ terms: first, the government’s progress report first and second, the budget vote.

This turn of events shocked both the media and Members of Parliament. The news spread that Tymoshenko must have made a deal with the communists and Lytvyn, and that her inspired speech in support of Lytvyn’s crisis-resolving plan on July 10 was no coincidence.

Within half an hour the Regionals realized that something was going wrong. Their people started approaching the podium to the accompaniment of laughter from members of the coalition. Zhuravko took the Speaker’s seat, as usual.

Needless to say, the Regionals’ faction explained their decision to blockade the podium by their concern for the people of Ukraine. During interviews in the lobby, Hanna Herman and Nestor Shufrych explained that the Party of Regions cannot allow “hungry people” to meet the fall without social protection laws. The Regionals further demanded that the plenary session be prolonged for another week.

Thirty minutes later, all these demands were forgotten after Andrii Kliuev, waving, stepped into the hall through the Speaker’s entrance, and all his fellow MPs obediently took their seats.

Tymoshenko’s arrival was met by a standing ovation from her BYuT faction. She was followed by practically every cabinet minister. The ungratifying role of exposing the government had to be played by Mykola Azarov. Under parliament’s standing orders, the subject of a legislative initiative has 45 minutes at the podium and another 45 minutes to answer questions.

True to his style, Azarov started mumbling in Russian from sheet after sheet of printed text, citing figures, every now and then throwing in some Ukrainian words. A number of parliamentarians took advantage of his soliloquy and went to grab a bite at the parliamentary cafeteria ahead of what was clearly turning into a difficult workday. Soon there was a long line of customers, almost half of them consisting of Azarov’s comrades from the Party of Regions.

Compared to Azarov, Tymoshenko was a paragon of eloquence when it was her turn at the podium. Her charisma put him in the shade.

She began by saying, “I must have been the only one listening attentively to your presentation. Let me tell you frankly: I didn’t understand a thing.”

Tymoshenko spoke for 15 minutes and spent another quarter of an hour answering questions. Afterwards faction leaders took the floor, speaking for three to four minutes each. Then came the moment of truth: the vote. When the electronic billboard showed 174 votes, the audience went wild. The BYuT and some members of Our Ukraine stood up and applauded.

“Yulia Volodymyrivna, you retain responsibility,” the Speaker said and called a 30-minute recess.

Lytvyn’s bloc and the communists did not vote, and Anatolii Kinakh and Vitalii Khomutynnyk voted against the Regionals. The Budget Committee’s Oleksandr Peklushenko abstained. Remarkably, two members of Our Ukraine — Viktor Topalov (YeTs Group) and the notorious Yurii But — voted for no-confidence in the government.

After the vote, the Party of Regions looked confused and demoralized, while the BYuT people hugged each other in jubilation. The Day ’s reporter interviewed Volodymyr Yavorivsky.

Mr. Yavorivsky, could you describe the situation? Was it Tymoshenko’s decision to play Russian roulette, or had she made deals with Lytvyn and the communists?

You know, I can’t be sure about either option. The situation was changing. I approached Kryl several times. At first, he said that his group wouldn’t be taking part in the vote. Then he said: “But of course we will vote.” So, I can’t tell you that everything was clear-cut. In politics you often have to take risks. Yulia must have gotten sick and tired of walking in circles, so she made a decision that amazed even us. That was it: time to put the issue to the vote. Then the Regionals said they were ready to vote by a show of hands. To this Yulia said, “No. You can vote the way you please. The main thing is for us to make the situation clear today.”

We knew that Lytvyn would not vote, and after Symonenko’s speech everything became crystal-clear. In fact, not all the Regionals took part in the vote.

July 11 marked a turning point in Yulia Tymoshenko’s political career. Now that the Ukrainian government has survived a vote of confidence, it will have some time to work unimpeded — perhaps even without keeping a wary eye on Baloha, let alone the Party of Regions.