Yushchenko Healthy, Calm, And Full of Plans
Viktor Yushchenko’s meeting with domestic media people last Wednesday night turned out to be different from the “tight circle” format anticipated by everyone on the guest list. This and the fact that Our Ukraine’s leader was 1.5 hours late, news of which was instantly proclaimed from every rooftop, did not prevent me gaining first-hand impressions of the meeting, although I had first seen Viktor Yushchenko at close range during the election campaign. I’d read about his team’s democratic and otherwise friendly approach during all public actions. On this particular occasion, I was almost instantly aware of a friendly, almost homelike atmosphere. Nor was I shocked when a security guard politely asked me to produce my credentials and let him look in my purse, perhaps because I realized this was a real and sufficiently warranted necessity, unlike the overstated admission procedures practiced at state-run institutions. I was touched rather than irritated by the two bodyguards stationed next to the presidential candidate, who had visited the press conference room before it started and begged the journalists not to run after Mr. Yushchenko. As we sat there waiting to see the presidential candidate, his press secretary Iryna Herashchenko was the only “open” line of communications, asking us to please wait another five minutes, saying he was surely on his way. Few if any complained, probably out of professional habit, but also because most members of the Ukrainian media community support the true opposition leader.
Viktor Yushchenko finally arrived. On entering the room, he apologized for being late and asked if we media people had been offered food. Then, without undue preliminaries, he launched into a dialogue. The first questions came from foreign televisions channels, who had broken all deadlines for their respective breaking news schedules. Viktor Yushchenko was asked four questions: about his illness; his plans to consolidate Ukrainian society, split as it was by the election campaign; relations between Ukraine, the EU, and Russia; and all those thousands of Yanukovych supporters expected to flood Kyiv as soon the rerun’s official turnout becomes public knowledge. I thought that Mr. Yushchenko’s answers, even though they were a bit drawn out (he seemed intent on making every idea as absolutely clear as possible) were much more impressive than his campaign rival’s recent markedly tough, even aggressive, responses.
ILLNESS
When asked about his affliction, Viktor Yushchenko said he wouldn’t want the subject to be used in any campaign manner before December 26. He didn’t want it to cause any ethic or political speculations.
“I have a clean bill of health... I’m glad to know that the Rudolfinerhaus Clinic will shortly issue an official statement concerning my physical condition. This statement will read that I have no problems whatsoever with any internal organs; that I’m perfectly all right physically. And the facial disfigurements are gradually disappearing. Too bad the process takes time, meaning I’ll have to put up with them for a while more. The only reason they’re still on the issue of my health is because they want to discredit me as a campaign rival. They say I have the wrong kind of face and bill of health to stay in the race, what with the other candidate, a pink-cheeked man who weighs 120 kilos. I’m sure that our people will cast their ballots for reasons other than weight and complexion; today, the head of state is considered for what he is worth in terms of morals, world views, and what he can propose to make this country a normal polity.”
The opposition leader reaffirmed the fact of his having been deliberately poisoned: “I didn’t poison myself. I was poisoned by the Ukrainian political system. Numerous facts are being uncovered as evidence of what happened on that particular date and what kind of dinner I could’ve been served along with that poison. The problem is that I didn’t eat and didn’t drink everything I was offered. That’s the problem facing the other side, my being still alive. I had two dinners that night. One held with my good friends, when we all shared everything. And all are in good health. The other dinner was on a more formal basis... I wouldn’t want to name names. The General Prosecutor’s Office, initiating criminal proceedings in my deliberate poisoning case, is faced with a very easy task; they have to detect and identify those involved in and with that attempt on my life.”
EASTERN LANDING FORCE
Earlier, Viktor Yanukovych said that thousands of his supporters would come to Kyiv to “prevent a coup.” His opponent had this to say on the matter: “I’m perfectly sure that December 26 will witness [our] great victory. We don’t have to resort to any forceful methods to prove anything. The people will have the final say by casting their ballots, and this will eliminate any reasons for any debates on the opposing side. Nor will tens, even hundreds, of thousands of people be able to say anything against the legitimate turnout. I think that this scenario [written by Yanukovych’s team — Transl.] has no future. I would suggest that the politicians who are plotting such actions revise their plans. I understand that Yanukovych has only one option, to broach a very hot Ukrainian issue, one that is fraught with considerable political risk, and hold the temperature steady. However, I think that Viktor Fedorovych [Yanukovych] would do best to discard it. I think that he should save his face. After all, it doesn’t mean losing one’s political and physical life. He is still supported by millions. He should treasure this support, rather than continue casting pearls on projects that can’t serve the good of our society or our state. Everybody will realize as much, sooner or later. Subjects dealing with separatism, dual citizenship, and Russian language status will eventually cause most people who support my current political rival to see him for what he really is, a naked king. They will see his concepts for what they really are; that they can’t actually solve the important issues faced by our country. My policy is aimed at holding a nationwide roundtable, in which our political, business, media, and religious elites will participate. I’m sure that by combining our efforts we can work out fair and transparent policies and strategies.”
CABINET-FORMING PRINCIPLES
“Everything happening in terms of executive cadre appointments before December 26 is not the cadre policy of the bloc Strength of the Nation and our partners. We are proceeding from the assumption that forming a cabinet is a good opportunity to further enhance the parliamentary majority, a new kind of majority. I wouldn’t mind if not only victors but also partners were members of the [new] government, inasmuch as their stand doesn’t run counter to the strategy and logic of our policy.
“Also, I don’t rule out the possibility that our team will be divided on some cabinet members. I’ll hold countless talks to ease such tensions. As for the premier, I mean those several candidacies being discussed in our quarters, I haven’t said yes or no to any of them. I’m convinced that it would be premature to deal with such matters. Once we reach our ultimate goal on December 26, I’ll invite our partners to a roundtable and will voice my opinion on the candidacies.”
Viktor Yushchenko also noted that a new cabinet, relying on the current coalition basis, could be formed toward the end of January or in early February 2005.
INAUGURATION
“The Central Election Commission will most likely announce the rerun’s official turnout on December 31. In view of Christmas holidays [celebrated in Ukraine after the New Year] that last until January 14, I believe that the inauguration ceremony should be postponed till after the holidays. This important event will mark the triumph of the Orange Revolution and the policy waged and fought for by Our Ukraine and our partners since March 2002. It’s a great festive occasion and I hope it will be celebrated properly, not in a slapdash manner but as an event of nationwide import.”
BUDGET
“We have nothing to do with the budget bill to be submitted in December, considering its objectives, structure, and shortcomings. This bill is a product of Yanukovych’s team. However, we understand that the bill should pass before December 21, even if partially, I mean the interbudgetary relations clauses, so that the financial system does not become paralyzed all the way from the center down to the village council. Of course, after we win we’ll amend the budget; we’ll try to make it more socially oriented and humane. We’ll start by turning the pensioners’ campaign allowance increase into a regular addition to their pensions. Any cuts, any changes in these indices are out of the question. Nevertheless, we condemn such treatment of pensioners, because it’s aimed at manipulating these people’s views. But we do realize that this problem must be solved proceeding from new official recalculations.”
HOW TO UNITE UKRAINE?
“Why has no one asked Leonid Kuchma this question when he was backed by fourteen regions in the election campaign? Why did no one raise the problem of Ukraine’s becoming divided there and then? I was backed by 17 regions in the runoff, including the Hero City of Kyiv. We expect to win in 19-21 Ukrainian regions, come December 26. The question of dividing Ukraine doesn’t exist per se. There are no differences between these regions in terms of their views of political prospects. But there are all those political outsiders with their selfish ambitions, people who’ve lost the campaign and have no bona fide political future in Ukraine; these people apply the good old Soviet nostalgic techniques, adding fuel to this fire, for the sole purpose of gaining room for political maneuvering in certain regions of Ukraine. I believe that these kinds of separatist and federalization ideas will not be accepted by the Ukrainian political elite, and that above all they won’t be accepted by the people. It’s a bad scenario for bad politicians.”
