The Whole Shebang
It was all at sixes and sevens under the parliamentary dome: last Wednesday, as well as last Tuesday, the lawmaking process was held up not by opposition factions, which would have raised no eyebrows, but by the integral part of the parliamentary-governmental coalition, viz., Labor Ukraine, SDPU(O), and Regions of Ukraine. Their members sat in the session room but did not vote. On Tuesday in particular these factions refused to support the bill on the 2005 subsistence level — a document that is crucial to passing the 2005 budget. The opposition claims that Labor, SD, and Regions deputies had their voting cards withdrawn by their bosses. The recalcitrant factions in turn emphatically deny this, saying that what they did was motivated by their refusal to use the parliamentary rostrum “to hype up presidential candidates and revile presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych” (to quote Labor Ukraine faction leader Ihor Sharov), “to publicize a presidential candidate’s diet instead of passing economic laws” (SDPU(O) faction member Ihor Shurma), “to run everything and everyone down” (SDPU(O) faction leader Leonid Kravchuk), etc. The Laborites and Social Democrats think that Verkhovna Rada is unable to make positive decisions with the elections coming on and will work unproductively until October 31. In this connection, Labor Ukraine suggests, for example, that the people’s deputies carry out their work in their committees and constituencies only. The statement by Oleksandr Zadorozhny, the president’s Permanent Representative in Verkhovna Rada, is also consistent with this viewpoint — he believes it is pointless for parliament to work in the absence of a stable and “convincing” political majority. This naturally raises the question: what about passing next year’s budget, on which voters are pinning their hopes for increased pensions, wages, and fringe benefits?
In all probability, though, these factions will not block debating and voting on the budget. At least the SDPU(O) faction is going to take part in this procedure, faction leader Leonid Kravchuk told journalists in the parliamentary corridors. Mr. Kravchuk says that both the Social Democrats and Laborites are merely objecting to using parliament for political ends in connection with the presidential elections. In their opinion, the current Verkhovna Rada is violating its regulations and constitutions. As illustration, Mr. Kravchuk cited the decision to form a parliamentary commission to monitor the application of the presidential election law. Asked how long this protest action will last, Kravchuk said this had not yet been finally decided.
Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn in turn called upon the factions and groups that form the parliamentary majority, including Regions of Ukraine, Labor Ukraine, and Union, “not to wreck parliamentary proceedings” and “not to stifle parliamentarianism.” “Don’t you understand that this is about two things: to show exactly who is pulling the strings, including those in parliament, and to prove that Ukrainian society can no longer put up with a parliament like this?” Mr. Lytvyn asked rhetorically. The VR speaker also suggested “going to work in the constituencies for forty days.” “We will then re-assemble and decide the fate of parliament. I am convinced that the parliament and people’s deputies that we have now will not be needed after the elections,” he stressed. At the same time, he said he was first going to put the presidential and governmental bills to a vote. “What worries me is not the presidential elections but the situation after the elections,” he added.
Nevertheless, the general view is that the Speaker has not done his best to avert a new parliamentary crisis. For example, the SDs also have some complaints about him. “Does Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn, who assumed his office thanks to the majority, think it’s normal for the government to be maligned in the session room? I don’t think it is,” Ihor Shurma told The Day ’s correspondent.
Alas, fears that-for want of legal mechanisms for establishing a parliamentary-governmental coalition — the Verkhovna Rada is incapable of trouble-free functioning are being confirmed with enviable regularity. Any “viruses” — from staff replacement to privatization debates — inflict serious damage on the parliamentary organism that has no “immunity” (this will only be acquired by way of constitutional amendments), which may result in complete or partial disability. Yet our highest legislative body stubbornly keeps pulling the same boner: it flatly rejects political reform — even as a “soft option,” i.e., passing laws concerning the Cabinet of Ministers, the president, etc.). Small wonder that it is unable to function.
What may be the likely consequences of the current “parliamentary fever?”—Anything ranging from blocking the budget to dissolving parliament.
