Ukraine’s European perspectives

This year independent Ukraine turns 20. This should be an occasion to not only remember the past, but also to think about where Ukraine wants to go. But where is Ukraine heading?

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP

The political elites in Ukraine have repeatedly expressed their wil­lin­gness to “move west” and called European integration a strategic prio­rity. From a European point of view Ukrai­ne has some European pro­spects, on account of history and culture. Furthermore, the EU and Ukraine are important economic partners: after the 2004 enlargement, the EU became Ukraine’s largest trading partner. Ukraine is one of the EU’s key partners in its Eastern neighborhood as it has an influence on the security, stability and welfare of the whole region. The two cooperate in many areas, like trade, economics, energy and border issues. The EU is interested in a Ukraine that is democratic, independent and law-abiding.

Thus, we have close relations, both economic and political. Various EU initiatives — the Eastern Partnership, the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, and the Black Sea Synergy — aim to deepen cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as to develop cooperation within the region. For example, Ukraine will benefit, between 2011 and 2013, from 470.05 million euros as part of the European Neighborhood Policy. The European Parliament backed the accession-process of Ukraine to the WTO from the beginning on. Currently we’re negotiating on an Association Agreement and a Free Trade Agreement, the latter should even be concluded this year. In this context 2011 could be crucial for future relations between the EU and Ukraine.

PROBLEMS IN UKRAINE

Despite these close relations, Ukraine continues to have many problems concerning rule of law, democratic values and corruption. These may affect its ability to approach the EU further. For one there is the so-called selective use of justice. And last year’s local elections were not free and fair [the EU did not send any official mission to monitor the elections – Ed.]. There is a conti­nued repression of the opposition. According to a study by the Gorshenin Institute “over one third of the Ukrainians (39.6 percent) saw the arrests and interrogations of opposition figures as political repressions.” Moreover, such opinions are not confined to those who support the opposition. The government and its supporters should know that defamation and rumor are not long-lasting instruments in politics, especially not in international politics.

Interdependence between European perspectives and domestic affairs

Such things are not compatible with the strategic aim of EU Membership or an Association Agreement. Often there is the impression that the Ukraine administration’s interests are primarily wealth and power. However, the EU is more than an econo­mic union. It stands for common values like democracy, rule of law, human rights and media freedom. This interconnection must be perceived by the Ukrainian authorities. A fair competition between government and opposition, and also freedom of the media, are indispensable preconditions for a European democracy. At present Ukraine’s standards do not correspond to these European principles. Stability without fair democracy under rule of law is not enough. So we all agree that reforms in these areas will be crucial to enhance our partnership with Ukraine, for example with regard to visa liberalization. Also our financial assistance (of 500 million Euro granted by the EU to Ukraine in 2010), the Free Trade Agreement, and an enhanced cooperation “should be strongly related to the continuation of the reforms, their accordance with EU standards as well as to the observation of the rule of law” (EPP resolution 23.11.2011).

In this sense the Association Agreement is far more than a technical agreement. It is linked to the state of democracy and rule of law in Ukraine. It depends on Ukraine’s development in these areas i.e. Ukraine needs to stop pressure on the opposition, civil society and the media. The opposition leader and her partners must be allowed to travel and act freely.

WHAT UKRAINE SHOULD DO

Ukraine has to see that the European perspective is not only part of its foreign policy but also of its domestic policy. If there are negative developments in the abovementioned points and the general state of democracy, rule of law, freedom of expression that will have an impact on the Association agreement. Also, concerning the DCFTA, which is a very positive and important project, we see as interdependent with democracy and rule of law.

Therefore Ukraine has to guarantee a social-market economy, rule of law, human rights and political stability; the system of checks and ba­lan­ces must be transparent and fair, and the role of the opposition respected. It is of uttermost importance that the next parliamentary elections should be free and fair. Cooperation with the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) is crucial to ensure that the legislative reform packages that are currently being developed are fully in compliance with European standards and values. All relevant political stakeholders, including the go­vernment and the opposition should take part in this process.

The credibility of Ukraine’s efforts towards democracy and rule of law must be strengthened and an effective system of checks and balances in compliance with European standards be established. Corruption must be fought at all levels with political impartiality. Also, internal conflicts within Ukraine should be solved. Ukrainian authorities should recognize the need for political and economic freedom and stability through rule of law, the establishment of a social market economy, the fight against corruption, and improving the business and investment climate. Last year’s biased constitutional changes, which modified the post-Orange Revolution compromise, caused concern in the EU.

The EU will make no compromises on theses points. My party, the European People’s Party, is working closely with Yulia Tymoshenko, because we belong to one political family. Sometimes there are accusations claiming that we are not political neutral. This is not true. There is on the one side cooperation between the parties, but on the other side there is cooperation between states. Even if our political ally in Ukraine is now in the opposition the EU will of course co­operate with the government if it proves to be a reliable partner. I support and have supported the European perspective of the Ukraine under every government, but only if principles and conditions are fulfilled.

WHAT THE EU SHOULD DO

Following the Lisbon Treaty the EU has new foreign affairs tools such as the High Representative and her European External Actions Service, which allow for a more coherent fo­reign policy. So it is not only Ukraine but also the EU that has to catch the chance to enhance the EU-Ukraine relations.

Our Neighborhood Policy does not mean to continue in the same way as in the past, but it means to use a whole range of instruments, not only in a bilateral way, but also with regard to the whole region. This means we need a multilateral approach for the whole region to improve its stability. The Eastern Partnership program, aimed at integrating Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine [and Belarus – Ed.] is a good approach in this sense. We should even be thinking about extending the Erasmus program to the Eastern Partnership countries. The accession of Ukraine to the WTO can be a positive motor to accelerate adhesion to European standards. Better multilateral political and economic coope­ra­tion between Eastern partnership countries is necessary for political stability and economic progress.

Recently, during the opening ce­re­mony of the second phase of the Darnytsia Bridge in Kyiv, the Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov wagered with former Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski that Ukraine will become a member of the European Union by 2022. I personally think that, given that there are still many problems in Ukraine with regards to the adhesion to EU principles and values we should rather have a look at present EU-Ukraine relations and the next practical steps, instead of setting some speculative dates. European integration is based on the principle that one of the founding fathers of the EU, Robert Schuman described as follows: “Europe will not be made all at once, or according to a single plan. It will be built through concrete achievements which first create a de facto solidarity.” This can also be applied to EU-Ukraine relations. We should not speculate on dates and long-term goals, but on concrete measures and achievements which create solidarity and confidence and therefore have a step-by-step approach. It is a process which won’t happen in one day. Meanwhile, we should ensure enhanced cooperation with Ukraine on concrete advantages for its citizens. Otherwise people will be disappointed.

We need to give Ukraine a European perspective, but this can’t mean constantly discussing eventual EU accession in the far future. It is much more useful to give Ukraine a perspective for today with a direct effect now for the sake of its citizens. These measures and opportunities are visa liberalization, a free trade area, and even perhaps the perspective of a “Norway status” in the European Economic Area (EEA). From such an EEA, which includes 60-70 percent of the acquis communitaire, including to the internal market and Schengen area, it was a short step to membership as both sides are ready and willing, like in the cases of Austria, Finland and Sweden, and perhaps Iceland to come. Adenauer described it in his speech in Cologne (1946): “parallel, linked economic interests are the sanest and best long-term basis for good political relations between nations.” This is not an aggression against anyone and could also lead to a European perspective and stability in the country. The speed and extent of EU-Ukraine rapprochement will depend primarily on respect and the implementation of European principles and values. Our criteria are not a mechanism to keep Ukraine at arm’s length from the EU. They are mechanisms to guarantee the functioning of a value-based European Union.