1945 Yalta Spirit Dispelled. Is Europe Now Afraid of Ukrainian Spirit?

Participants in the Yalta summit, ending September 11, could, of course, sense the presence of the shadows of our forgotten ancestors — Stalin, Churchill, and Roosevelt — but those were just shadows. Thank God, the Baltic-Black-Sea Cooperation Conference (Yalta'99) did not have to deal with any matters like the 1945 summit and its scope was different, of course (22 countries, NATO, OSCE, and other organizations). Nor could it be referred to as fruitless. After all, any meeting between the presidents of hostile Armenia and Azerbaijan is a result in itself, especially when promising to evolve a peace accord and the latter into the construction of new transportation corridors. Another noteworthy result is Ukraine's having actually put up with its closest neighbors intention to impose entry visas soon. Also, the fact that the Finnish President (currently presiding over the EU) believes that Ukraine is worthy of being admitted to the European community of nations — even if this statement sounded like a polite gesture and even if Ukraine shows no intention of altering its geographic position. Also, President Kuchma once again had to provide apologetic explanations, this time for his Belarusian counterpart Lukashenka who was not invited to the summit.

Yalta‘99 was evidence that countries pursuing different interests, having different levels and targets of development could easily, without much ado, agree on their leaders spending a couple of days together, no strings attached. President Kuchma's and Foreign Minister Tarasiuk's rhetorical statements about Yalta ‘99 symbolizing the end of the postwar division initiated by Yalta ‘45, and that from now on there would be no dividing lines in Europe were received as just that. Rhetoric. Despite the fact that the general atmosphere of European discussions of the future is getting warmer with regard to Ukraine and the last meeting of EU foreign ministers stressed the need to get Ukraine and Moldova involved in European processes, another message is clear: no one is promising anyone anything for sure. In other words, delimitation is still there, except that it is changing shape, outwardly looking like a very friendly attitude. Ukraine is publicly praised for stability, complimented on its geographical position, and assured of its tremendous importance for general European security. At the same time, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are prepared to put up a visa fence between them and Ukraine at any time (people are told that this is the best way to protect the domestic market, lower crime, contraband, and illegal migration). Poland is not saying that it is prepared to follow suit, but this is only a matter of time. Borys Tarasiuk has to declare that the new visa procedures will not signify a new division of Europe, because perhaps arrangements will be made for long-term visas. The reality, however, is such that Ukraine at times looks much farther remote from the European integration process than five years ago. EU members and candidate members say, almost in chorus, that the issue would be treated very differently if Ukraine did not have its current economic and social problems.

As for the Yalta summit's key issue, Baltic — Black Sea cooperation, it stands a chance, at least as a basis for yet another informal top-level club, but only if all that endless talk about good prospects is backed by at least a couple of actual moves. Estonian President Lennart Meri pointed out, politely but with a caustic edge, that there are no obstacles for effective cooperation except Ukraine's confusing legislation. Was it worth holding a summit to hear something everybody knows already?

The summit participants, after being treated to ecologically pure Ukrainian products, boarded their limousines and drove off past numerous billboards reading »Kuchma is our President.» So far the highway the ranking guests drove along does not guide us to Europe. And the Yalta summit, like the May one held with such pomp in Lviv, also makes one wonder what is more important for Ukraine: no war or maneuvers?