An attempt at “conservation”

Sunday, Dec. 25, was the deadline for submitting the lists of the 2006 parliamentary candidates. Most parties and blocs, as potential participants in the election campaign, had determined their positions and membership in the “forward ranks,” in other words, their slates were ready. The rest will do so in the next couple of days. In an article published in the Financial Times of London, President Yushchenko writes that in March the voters will cast their ballots for a new parliament. He is certain that the Ukrainian electorate will once again support parties and their programs that are aimed at expanding their personal and economic freedoms, precisely the way they did a year ago. At the same time, practically all domestic analysts note that in March 2006 Ukrainians will be voting not for parties and programs but for individuals and personalities, even though for the first time the parliamentary elections will be held according to party slates; the idea is to facilitate the political structuring of Ukrainian society. In the words of our head of state, among which candidates are we to make “a free choice required for the transformation of a closed society into a competitive nation?” The Day ’s experts in the regions, who kindly agreed to share their views on party and bloc slates with our special correspondents, primarily note the conspicuous prevalence of the capital city’s elite in many cases. (Who, then, will represent the interests of the regions in the new Verkhovna Rada?) Apparently people who have held seats in parliament for a number of years consider them their property. Yet most slates are vulnerable for other reasons.

Fedir SHANDOR, sociologist and lecturer, Uzhhorod National University, director of the Carpathian Polling Research Center:

In my opinion, practically nothing will change if you compare (each to be considered given the circumstances, of course), the candidacies that in one way or another represent the current political forces in the councils on all levels.

I should also point out this nuance; the current voter forms his views of political forces exclusively in view of how these forces are represented on the regional level. And so we often hear that a negative attitude to a certain candidate on the local level transfers antipathy to the whole bloc or party, even if it is headed by a strong and wise individual. This may play a dirty trick on some of the participants in the 2006 elections.

Prof. Olena STIAZHKINA, Ph.D. (History), Chair of Slavic History, Donetsk National University:

In my opinion, there is certain logic in the party slates; they have certain tasks to carry out, hence their lists of candidates. I would call Ruslana Lyzhychko and Sofia Rotaru the biggest disappointments. I understand that both are pop stars, that people love them, that in a certain sense they are the face of Ukraine. Ukraine’s astronaut Leonid Kadeniuk is also an interesting personality. But parliament is not outer space, after all.

There are some pleasant surprises. I believe that the inclusion of Nina Karpachova’s name in the Party of the Regions’ slate is an unexpected but professional step. The same applies to Vitaly Klychko, although there are nuances to be considered. You see, we’ve had many Klychko brothers in the ring, in beer commercials, and now in politics.

Also, I must acknowledge the professionalism of the Ne Tak bloc’s highlighting of the “women’s” theme. In contrast, the BYuT slate, much as we expected a lot on this aspect from them, is nothing extraordinary, in my opinion, except for Yulia Tymoshenko.

Volodymyr TELEN, head of Vinnytsia’s regional organization of the Ukrainian Voters’ Committee of Ukraine:

Few people from the regions are represented by the largest blocs. They are dominated by the capital city’s political elite, and if someone from the regions has landed there, then these are people who have been living for a long time in Kyiv and have distanced themselves from the periphery. The regions are thus left unattended. After the elections ordinary citizens will become aware of this. In the past people could bring their problems to their members of parliament. For example, the residents of Vinnytsia could arrange for a meeting with him or his representative and obtain 50 or 200 hryvnias’ worth of aid, file their complaints, and be reassured. No one knows how the mechanism of contacts between the center and the oblasts will be built after the elections; in fact, this matter is not even being discussed.

Oleksiy BEZUHLYI, head of Dnipropetrovsk’s regional organization of the Voters’ Committee of Ukraine:

I was stunned by the fact that the publicized slates include the names of people who do not have the slightest connection to any concrete parties, let alone politics in general. These are film and theater actors, pop singers, athletes, and so on; even if they are elected members of parliament, these people are not likely to busy themselves with legislation. It is understandable that parties are trying to gain popularity, draw their electorate’s attention to noted figures, and capitalize on the latter’s prestige. However, they ought to be attracting their electorate not by including world boxing champions or winners of song competitions on their slates but by programs that reflect the pressing needs of the people, society, and their country in general.

Above all, it is amazing to find names on the lists, like Ombudswoman Nina Karpachova or Vasyl Maliarenko, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. We all know that courts of law must cope with numerous disputes and settle conflicts with election commissions during election campaigns; they must interpret laws. So what kind of unbiased judiciary system can we expect now that the chief justice of Ukraine is on a party slate? In my opinion, this situation is inadmissible and deserves special attention.

Oleksandr ZAHLADA, head of the Chair of Social Sciences, Agroecological University, Ph.D. candidate, Zhytomyr:

One can’t help noticing that the slate of the Party of the Regions includes as many as 450 candidates, meaning all the seats in our parliament. The bloc “Our Ukraine” appears more realistic this year, offering only 370 candidates.

The NU lists also include individuals who were involved in corruption scandals this past fall. The electorate is not likely to forget this. Under President Kuchma a similar situation took place in 2002, organized by the bloc “For a Single Ukraine,” and the results fell short of expectations. If they weren’t assuring us that the next elections will be fair and transparent, including the political forces currently in power, I believe that none of the current favorites will refrain from spreading compromising materials in order to boost their ratings and defeat their rivals, all the more so as the Party of the Regions has enough names in key posts, including their leader and the chairman of the Donetsk regional council, Borys Kolesnykov. Both of them can be reminded of their involvement in criminal cases, meaning their reputations are tarnished.

Stepan SMOLIAK, lawyer and president of the Legal Reforms and Human Rights Foundation (Lviv):

Soccer players, boxers, actors, and showmen top the slates. How many serious economists, lawyers, agrarian specialists, college professors, and doctors are there? What kind of efficiency ratio can we expect from this Verkhovna Rada? What good will it do our people? It seems to me that everything is happening according to the principle that every succeeding parliament is worse than the previous one. One look at the slates makes my heart ache. They ought to have tried to enhance our parliament’s efficiency instead of adding the names of well known people to the slates, regardless of the candidates’ education that is suitable for legislative activity. These candidates may well be decent and hard-working individuals, but parliament is a special institution, and decency and industriousness are not enough to obtain a parliamentarian’s mandate. While these athletes will be acquiring the necessary knowledge, time will be passing and with it the lives of every ordinary Ukrainian, who already has no hopes of living to see prosperity. May our grandchildren experience this.

Volodymyr PRYTULA, political scientist (Simferopol):

Some slates are disappointing indeed, but some inspire hope. For example, I think that Our Ukraine should not include the names of Poroshenko, Tretiakov, and others on its slate. The question is not whether they are corrupt individuals or not. There have been no court rulings on this, and the parliamentary commission ruled that they were not involved in corruption. But now this gives Our Ukraine’s political opponents cause for criticism. I also think that the BYuT’s slate has too many business people’s names. The Party of the Regions’ slate consists of names of people from Donetsk, almost half, which is wrong.

The communists’ slate includes the name of Mikhail Bakharyev, a known Ukrainophobe, despite their assurances that they are internationalists. This man says that Ukrainian is a language used by the rabble, that there is no Ukrainian nation, and promises that “We shall return to you, Russia”; that Taras Shevchenko was a schemer, etc. Such an individual has no right to a seat in the Ukrainian parliament. This is further proof that what the communists are advertising as internationalism is actually a manifestation of chauvinism.

Mark ZUBOV, political scientist (Kharkiv):

Speaking of positive aspects, I might point out that certain compromised names have been removed from the top of Our Ukraine’s slate. I believe that this is a good sign; that this society’s demand for decency and moral aspects is setting in. As for negative aspects, I regret to note the presence of certain elements of corporatism, when slates are formed from trusted people. Thus, the Party of the Regions’ slate features mostly Donetsk names. I wish the parties represented something all-Ukrainian and would start seeking compromises within themselves. It will turn out that everyone “huddled together” and then they will get to parliament, where they will start fighting. Unfortunately, Our Ukraine will remain a western Ukrainian political force. In other words, that “watershed” that existed in Ukraine is still there. This is troubling.

Volodymyr HAZIN, associate professor at the Chair of Ukrainian History, Kamianets-Podilsky State University:

One can single out certain trends governing the formulation of the election slates (I reject all that nonsense about x-amount of dollars paid to obtain a spot on a slate as simply impossible in our society, which is “honest and rid of corruption”). First, we see the same names in practically all party and bloc slates. Apparently, running for parliament in this country is a “state of the soul” rather than a difficult and responsible job. There was a popular [Soviet Russian] song with these lines, “I can’t act otherwise.”

Second, big business is sitting pretty in every slate. Third, these lists are packed with the same names. Let us hope that this is simply germane to the Ukrainian nation: wherever you look you read the names of Yanukovych, Omelchenko, Yushchenko.

Fourth, these slates predictably feature names from the Maidan - scenes from the Maidan, to be more precise. I am not saying that this is unfair. Yet there are so many mediocre politicians and so few talented and spectacular singers and athletes.

Fifth, a festive, show-like atmosphere is increasingly accompanying the seemingly dull electoral process. Now every self-respecting bloc has its own scarves and exclusive names.

Finally, I will say this: those who can read should read; those who can think should ponder things; those who believe in Ukraine must cast their ballots after reading and reflecting.