How to Tame a Politician Who is Nobody’s Boy and Show Him His Place

Viktor Rikberg, head of NBU press service, told The Day that Viktor Yushchenko has agreed to the President’s nomination of him as the new Premier. Last night he conducted active consultations with Verkhovna Rada factions. According to Mr. Rikberg, lawmakers were particularly interested to know Mr. Yushchenko’s attitude toward privatization, energy, and agriculture. Meanwhile, there are other issues being discussed mainly backstage in the legislative body, concerning Yushchenko’s proposed premiership. The Day discussed them with People’s Deputy Serhiy TERIOKHIN.

The Day: Are there any strings attached to Viktor Yushchenko’s nomination?

S. T.: There is a certain purely pragmatic overtone. In 2000, Ukraine will have to pay its debts, yet the financing gap (even considering all IMF and World Bank positive decisions and stable world markets) is in the $1-1.2 billion range. In other words, what we must do now is not just having the EFF $2 billion tranches resumed (something we have been promised and which is still on hold), but also looking for money to pay the rest — or convince international financial institutions to agree to restructure debts. This can be accomplished only by someone with a reputation in world business/banking quarters, someone financiers in the civilized world will trust and understand. Of all the candidates Viktor Yushchenko is the one that can pass muster. There is another reason. The current regime is sufficiently frightened by Mr. Yushchenko’s empirical presence as a presidential candidate in the next election. His stand as a politician and one concerned about building a genuine Ukrainian state is a big plus, because the National Bank is visible, but not as sharp as the Cabinet. He stands every chance to be reelected as Ukraine’s number one banker (his NBU office expires in 16 months). In that case his political influence on Ukrainian society would increase a geometrically, particularly in view of the next presidential elections. Hence the official political analysts decided to stage an experiment, letting him run the gauntlet as Premier. It seems easiest to teach (keep on a leash —Ed.) a noted politician precisely what he has to do and cast the shadow of a doubt on his performance by letting him have the post. I think that everything was done on purpose; let him, one of the key reformers, shoulder the burden and see what happens. The regime won’t suffer anyway. If he survives the regime will get the credit; if not, one more reason to declare that real politicians are made at and by the Cabinet. It’s a game they can’t lose. Yet even knowing this, I cannot but speak in Viktor Yushchenko’s support.

There is a third reason. There is someone being quoted in Parliament, with close ties to the regime (I will not identify him), as saying, “Actually, this is the only way we could get rid of Viktor Yushchenko as NBU head. No other ways existed, not even in theory.”

The Day: Could it be Volkov you have in mind?

S. T.: No comment. But this quotation is being repeated in the corridors of power.

The Day: Will Yushchenko go along with the coalition government idea?

S. T.: Why not? Actually, this is a question best posed someone else. Setting up a coalition government is possible only if the President agrees to part with some of his powers, for he is entitled to appoint the ministers under the law. And the whole issue is conceivable in the presence of a parliamentary majority. Here everything depends on Leonid Kuchma, yet I haven’t heard anything in his statements about his principles for putting a Cabinet together. All we hear from him is that we must have a majority oriented toward a certain end. Frankly, no one understands what end. If Mr. Kuchma really believes that by nominating Viktor Yushchenko he will have a man capable of doing something positive about Ukraine, he should let him form a coalition government, in which case Mr. Yushchenko would, of course, secure that majority’s support.

The Day: Is the President interested in this scenario, considering that he has declared his final decision to hold a referendum to change the state system?

S. T.: This is the third time that Mr. Kuchma has declared his final decision about the referendum. However, nothing has been done in that area. If things go well with Viktor Yushchenko, why hold a referendum in the first place? To have the economy evolve, the President must use this historical opportunity — I mean the credit of trust he received getting reelected. This credit will run out in two years. He should not tempt himself with the idea of another blitz election campaign once again boosting the level of pie in the sky. There will simply be no further chance to carry out any reforms. Thus I simply can’t see any reasons for holding that referendum and further aggravating the political situation now that Ukraine is entering its most difficult economic period. The next couple of years will be difficult beyond description, for we will have to pay for all the blunders made by our politicians staring in 1993.