Kyiv’s Eurasian Maneuver
Ukraine does not strive for full membership in the Eurasian Economic Community (EurasES) but is only considering opportunities to obtain observer status in this formation that includes Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, press secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ihor Dolhov announced at a briefing last Tuesday. The diplomat also specified that, according to the ministry’s information, neither did Moldova apply for entry to the EurasES. According to Mr. Dolhov, Chisinau also seeks participation in the Eurasian community only as an observer. Thus, rumors, which appeared after the trilateral summit of the presidents of Moldova, Ukraine, and Russia in Odesa the weekend before last, were dispelled. The presidents signed a declaration based on the summit results, stating that they are “positive that their countries’ full membership in the Eurasian Economic Community activities would contribute to accelerating economic development of Moldova and Ukraine, full-fledged functioning of a free trade zone, and increasing well-being of their people.”
Though the declaration clearly speaks of Ukraine’s full membership in the EurasES, it seems that official Kyiv again decided to maneuver and concentrate on observing only in yet another post-Soviet economic union. It is interesting that only a few years ago Ukraine’s leadership claimed with equal enthusiasm that creating a EurasES would undermine the basics of CIS functioning. Moscow expressed a similar opinion on the idea to unite the economic efforts of Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Moldova, which agreed on creating another organization, GUUAM, as a counterweight. According to Ukrainian diplomats, the time for introducing corrections into EurasES-GUUAM, relationship came after last year’s informal Sochi summit of CIS leaders. It was then, Ihor Dolhov noted, that the presidents of former Soviet republics came to the conclusion that inside CIS framework various forms and formats of cooperation are possible. Mr. Dolhov stated that Kyiv “has always advocated” cooperation with Russia and other CIS countries based on a free trade zone principle. In this respect, Mr. Dolhov said, observer statute in EurasES gives Ukraine an additional mechanism to create a free trade zone, since it makes it possible to get complete information on its partners in this organization.
However, the comments by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs press secretary answer far from all the questions. First, why does the presidents’ Odesa statement speak about Ukraine’s “full membership in EurasES,” while on the official level only observer status is declared? Second, would the emerging of the “Eurasian vector” in Ukraine’s foreign policy not cause certain problems in the repeatedly declared European integration process? In the final account, what will happen to the much-advertised GUUAM? Does Russia also intend to occupy observer status in this organization? Incidentally, answering The Day’s question on the prospects for GUUAM existence in the current context, Mr. Dolhov said he did not see any obstacles to cooperation within the framework of this organization after Moldova obtains observer status in the EurasES (evidently, the same is true for Ukraine). However, it is still unclear how other GUUAM members will regard this.
Kyiv’s attempts to find reliable partners in the Eurasian space are quite predictable and justified. Taking into consideration the economic barriers to Ukrainian goods created by the US and the EU, Ukraine’s seeking new markets can hardly be called groundless. But is Kyiv not in too much of a hurry to seek observer status in an organization whose statute does not envisage any such participation? Yet, Vladimir Putin immediately on his return to Moscow told his officials to prepare necessary documents. Ukraine hopes that they will be ready before May. Incidentally, precisely then a summit of CIS leaders will be held in Chisinau. Perhaps then we will hear some other sensational declarations.
