Parliament approves NSDC resolution
Verkhovna Rada approved the dispatch of a Ukrainian peacekeeping contingent as part of the international stabilization forces in Iraq. The vote was 273 ayes and 103 nays, with 417 lawmakers registered. Among those opposing the initiative were the Communists, Socialists, and most of Our Ukraine and Yuliya Tymoshenko’s bloc. OU and Tymoshenko’s people were not united, as 39 of the former and 3 of the latter stepped over the opposition barrier and voted for the resolution.
The whole procedure did not take long, about an hour, and the atmosphere in parliament was nothing out of the ordinary, hubbub mixed with demonstrative inattention. Now and then the deputies greeted someone at the podium with applause. The debate scenario was interesting. Only two people’s deputies spoke in favor of sending the contingent to Iraq, the rest opposed the idea. Whether such was the list of speakers or most in the audience believed that the matter was decided anyway, the opposition practically had the podium to themselves. Another amazing thing was the kind of arguments provided by most taking the floor.
Yevhen Marchuk, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, offered a clear and convincing reasoning. Former Foreign Minister Borys Tarasiuk was more diplomatic, emphasizing the logic of such a move. All told, June 5 turned out a predictable day in the parliament; those representing the regime had done their homework and voiced convincing arguments in favor of sending the contingent to Iraq. Moreover, several days prior to the NSDC resolution extensive information concerning Ukraine’s involvement in the stabilization forces had been made public.
The arguments provided by the opposition were a different story. Those taking the floor repeated each other and one had a feeling that they were acting out a scenario written more than two months ago (when sending the CBR battalion to Kuwait was fought over). Certain nuances stemming from the change of setting were the only difference. First, the opponents insisted that, since the US and UK are recognized as the occupiers [actually, “occupying powers,” thereafter referred to as the Authority, as per Resolution 1483] of Iraq, Ukraine would be automatically included in that number. The Communists were especially active here, perhaps failing to understand that occupation in this context is a purely legal, not propaganda term. Second, those opposing the deployment of a Ukrainian military unit in a postwar country claimed the UN Security Council’s resolution did not warrant participation in a peacekeeping mission, probably referring to Russia and Old Europe (although both are making every effort to improve relations with the United States and take part in the postwar reconstruction of Iraq).Third, all seemed most concerned about financing; who would pay for maintenance, transportation, etc. Fourth, the opposition was true to itself, making it clear that whatever proposed by the government was bad, simply because it came from those wielding power. “We mustn’t build our prestige on someone else’s leftovers,” stressed Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz. “Trying to discuss morals with politicians is about as effective as discussing vegetarianism with cannibals,” offered Yuliya Tymoshenko.
NSDC Secretary Yevhen Marchuk argued his case in terms of international law and statistics. The most tangible argument in favor of sending Ukrainian men to Iraq was UNSCR No. 1483 of May 22. It reads that the Security Council welcomes “the willingness of Member States to contribute to stability and security in Iraq by contributing personnel, equipment, and other resources” and “calls upon all Member States in a position to do so to respond immediately to the humanitarian appeals of the United Nations and other international organizations for Iraq...” The United States and Great Britain are recognized as the occupying powers (the Authority) and the Resolution notes that “other States that are not occupying powers are working now or in the future may work under the Authority.” Mr. Marchuk stressed that Ukraine would be among those “other States” and by no means one of the occupying powers. Referring to international instruments, he explained that an occupying power is only that country which, being in the territory of another country, uses that country’s resources, emphasizing that this had nothing to do with Ukraine at all. He further said that, as of June 5, a total of 35 states had expressed preparedness to participate in the stabilization of Iraq, and that 16 parliaments (among them post-Soviet Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and the Baltic states) had approved the deployment of their contingents in Iraq, with 46 countries sending police forces.
The Ukrainian contingent will number 1,800 officers and men, all volunteers. Transportation will take about 20 days. As earlier informed by Petro Shuliak, Commander of the Army, Ukrainian units will start arriving in Iraq as of June 12. According to Yevhen Marchuk, the Ukrainian peacekeeping contingent has been manned by 75% and is expected to be present and in shape by mid-June. A special battalion will be formed, based on the CBR battalion currently deployed in Kuwait, to be attached to a motorized infantry brigade. The rest of the servicemen, depending on their military occupation specialty, will be included in other units of the brigade. The brigade will be under the command of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and under the tactical command of the coalition’s stabilization forces where Ukraine will also take part. The commanding officers of the Ukrainian contingent will also be deputy commander of the multinational division.
Poland is expected to be in charge of the multinational forces in that region. Financing the deployment of the Ukrainian contingent in Iraq to the end of 2003 will cost Ukraine $69.4 million, but the US government has undertaken to recompense all deployment and maintenance costs, meaning two-thirds of this sum. Kyiv will have to pay the servicemen their allowances. Also, since 1993, Ukraine has received $171,700,000 from the United Nations as consideration for its peacekeeping efforts.
Yevhen Marchuk dwelt at length on how the Ukrainian contingent in Iraq answered Ukraine’s strategic national interests. He recalled that Iraq is the world’s second oil-producing country and could become Ukraine’s strategic energy partner in the next few years. Ukrainian exports to Iraq were $293 million in 2001. Before the war, 36 Ukrainian companies operated in that country, including the national joint-stock company Naftohaz Ukrayiny, concern Stirol, Avtokraz Co., and private joint-stock company Ukrresursy before lifting international sanctions against Baghdad. At present, some 80 Ukrainian companies have stated their desire to take part in the recovery of Iraq. Failing to deploy its peacekeeping contingent in Iraq, Ukraine would have considerably fewer reconstruction contract opportunities in that country, stressed the NSDC Secretary, adding that the Iraqi administration would award such contracts to countries participating in the stabilization forces in the first place.
The US Embassy responded to the June 5 vote turnout quite quickly, greeting the resolution. Its statement reads that it is an important step in supporting the international effort to secure Iraqi freedom and allowing the Iraqi people to decide their future independently. By its contribution in the establishment of a safe and stable situation in Iraq, Ukraine will also help provide conditions, under which it will be able to compete for recovery contracts in good faith. In keeping with UNSCR No. 1483, proceeds from the sales of Iraqi oil will be transferred to an account under international control, and all such money will be used transparently for the recovery of the Iraqi economic infrastructure, and for any other purpose as may benefit the Iraqi people. Ukraine’s contribution to peace and stability in that region of the Persian Gulf, beginning with the deployment of the CBR battalion, helps us jointly to respond to threats concerning us all. It is evidence of the determination to provide conditions in which there will be no place for despotism, tyranny, and terrorism.
Yevhen Marchuk, addressing the parliament, noted that a new system of international relations will be formed in that region of the Persian Gulf and that it will determine a new international order for the next decade. Will Ukraine be left outside it or will become an integral part of it? Most people’s deputies seem to understand the meaning of what happened at the Verkhovna Rada on June 5.
