Canada – Ukraine: horizons of “just society”

Because what is “leaving” and “coming back” for us, the young generation of Ukrainians who feel at home anywhere in the world? But who still want Ukraine to be the warmest and the most hospitable home.

During the last two months I participated in CUPP (Canada-Ukraine Parliamentary Program). Every year this program, after a really tough selection procedure, forms a group of Ukrainian students with a decent knowledge of English, who supposedly have a potential of making an investment in Ukraine’s development in different areas: political and judicial systems, its cultural identity, social and economic reality. Each of these students works at the office of one of the Canadian MPs and fully integrates in everyday work of the legislative system of this Western country, which in return lets the young specialists learn very closely the ropes of democratic institutions.

These are not just beautiful words. This is an unexpected experience that is for all of us to comprehend. It remains just a theory until you see this world with your own eyes, live through it between the pounding of your heart and the explosion of your thoughts. And something important happened to all of us. “Us” meaning students from various universities of Ukraine and Europe. Students of law and philosophy, mathematics, political science, and economy from Kyiv and Oxford, Lviv and Rome, Poltava and Brussels, Kharkiv and Maastricht. As for right now, we are living in different dimensions. But it is our right to dream for them to become one. And it is our duty to do everything possible for this dream to come true.

I was always proud of being half Italian and half Ukrainian. The two identities are engaged in a dialogue within you, they are complementing each other. But it is not always easy. You travel the world attempting to find your real self, and the more you grow up, the clearer is the realization that it gets harder to find yourself, focus yourself on one single dimension. You want to find some ideals, and some people to make you stop, to quench your thirst of searching. To help you find a crossroads in a tangle of your roads. This hardly ever happens, so you come back from your journey wearing the same sad smile. But this time I decided to stop, I felt like I found a very important crossroads, the counterpoint of my search. Maybe, it is the unique intertwinement of the authentic responsible multiculturalism we have found in Canada, and our complex identities that “run” from Ukraine all around the world and come back to the country, enriched and charged with new experiences, new impressions, new beliefs, and new projects.

During one part of the year I live and study in Rome, and then I go to Kyiv. I travel quite often. So, wherever I go, I have this kind of “instinct” of comparing countries as systems of democracies turn on inside me. And this Canadian experience became a total surprise for me, partly because I saw the gradations of democracy: how well it works in Canada, how badly it works in Italy, and how it simply does not work at all in Ukraine.

Perhaps, the most interesting thing was that this year CUPP gathered very different people, and all of them shared their views and positions in free and easy discussions, when even disagreements were an impulse not to further conflicts, but to an analysis and reflections over new information. We had an opportunity to dispute with politicians, intellectuals, diplomats, representatives of non-governmental organizations on the current situation in Ukraine, its international relations, and perspectives. It was strange, but they did not have a disillusionment in Ukraine. True, their view of the situation was harsh. But it was nevertheless directed into the future.

There was not a single meeting where some Canadian MP would not tell us that we were the “future leaders” of our country, and that Ukraine would finally build a democracy, partially with the help of countries as Canada. At moments like these I always peaked at my colleagues. Some of them were listening with a glitter in their eyes – the inveterate romantics. Some of them had this stare of an eagle on a cliff, sitting like some marble statues dating back to obscure ages, – those are the new sceptics, whose faith and ideals were wrought away from them after 2004. Some were just snuffing discontentedly – restless party animals or honest geeks, who had to complete their university and CUPP assignments sometimes even at night. These looks helped me understand a lot of things about my far and close young compatriots’ ideas. No, I did not feel any indifference in them. And even if I felt the pain, it is alright, it is a kind of creative state too. And we talked so much about Ukraine, we even argued sometimes too. We also had disputes about Europe and Eurasia, about borders between the East and the West, borders between cultures and between neurons of the human brain. We wrote about Ukraine, read about it, translated, and even sang. We lived it through on different levels – analytical and fun, critical and nostalgic, revelational and valedictory.

As I have already said, each one of us had to work at an MP’s or senator’s office. Every day you could learn something. But first of all, we really had an opportunity to watch the Canadian parliamentary and legislative systems directly, to closely examine them. Can you picture young Englishmen or Poles or Canadians coming to Ukraine to study democracy at the Ukrainian parliament?! They are being shown the inner life of this institution, its mechanisms, laws, and traditions. Unfortunately, this does not even sound funny.

So, we were given a chance to see and understand the inner life of politics, without hiding the fact that one of the most solid democracies in the world is not at all perfect. But in Canada EVERY CITIZEN has a right to come to the Parliament and listen to the session live. And the MPs themselves are fully absorbed in urgent and painful problems of society. Over there a MP can spend the whole day in a wheelchair to personally comprehend the problems of the disabled, and as a result, to decide what should be done to make their life, their moving around the city easier. The public campaign of fighting cancer – and again MPs identify themselves with society, listen to it, contribute offers, provide support. Donetsk Chornobyl fighters, who go on hunger strikes and sleep on fallen leaves near the walls of the Verkhovna Rada, protest against the reduction of miserable benefits, while the high and mighty officials increase their own expenditures – in the dimension of Canadian political ethics, this looks like the WORLD UPSIDE DOWN.

And then again, the style is free, without boundaries. Every day we greeted the MPs like teachers we knew from elementary school. We could feel in them a spontaneous impulse to help others. And we were particularly interested in one of the principles that would be of great help to Ukraine – this is what Canadians, and the Anglo-Saxon world in general, call “checks and balances.” It is a network of institutions that provide control and balance, guarantee independence of different branches of government, and regulate the relations between government and society in a democratic system. Finally, I was impressed by the self-awareness of the politician as of a person that can be called upon any minute to report to the society for everything they do, and even more, for everything they do not do! Thus, open and dynamic communication is the mirror reflection of openness and dynamics in politics.

I have worked in the office of Justin Trudeau, a young, resourceful, and buoyant politician who is consistent in his beliefs. The spheres of his competence are related primarily to the problems of youth and higher education, and these are the problems that I am interested the most in. I also interviewed him, and we discussed the role of the young generation in the modern globalized world, and in particular, the role of such programs as CUPP in maturing of the student sector of society.

By the way, Justin Trudeau is the son of Pierre Trudeau, an outstanding politician, the prime minister of Canada in the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s. For those who might not remember this charismatic figure well, I will give one vivid detail that will make the extravagant Trudeau the senior attractive to many: people say that he was arrested during his trip to Moscow because he had been throwing snowballs at Stalin’s statue. But the main thing is that during his work for the government, bilingualism in Canada became official, and multiculturalism was recognized as the key value in the “just society” establishment. “Just society” is one of cardinal categories of the democratic world’s liberal political thought, which outlines the layout of relations between an individual and society in their interdependence and complementarity. The idea grows its root from Ancient Greece, but it was made prominent in the 19th century by the outstanding British philosopher and economist John Stewart Mill. This thesis looks very vital in the times of the global crisis. And also in Ukraine this formula can be interpreted in two ways: it is about “honest society” and “just society.” It is an indestructible binomial: common justice and balanced distribution of resources for society’s healthy functioning can be achieved only when every citizen and society as a whole are just.

Bilingualism is a unique feature of Canada’s everyday cultural and social dimension. All MPs are required to know English and French perfectly, and there are special courses for those who need to obtain the additional knowledge of either language. The bilingualism problem has always been extremely interesting for me, in the aspect of comparing Italy and Ukraine. Italy is apparently a unitary state, but it is incredibly hard to build a compact national identity because of the cultural DNA of the local reality, the local communities cities that have been separated all since the Middle Ages. So, the identity of a separate city or region in Italy is often stronger than the national identity – this results in a strong influence of dialects and the local tradition (the upside), and local mentalities (the downside). This situation has a negative impact on the political arena as well: politicians sometimes tend to exploit “localisms” for their own ends. And this shows even more clearly in Ukraine: two antagonistic and antithetic worlds, Europe and Russia, are fighting over it. And this situation is instrumentalized in our dimension on the daily basis: politicians are stirring up the two parts of the country against each other. And the very thought of bilingualism is appalling: nobody knows which language the politicians speak, a lot of people of the new generations are growing up in the atmosphere that lacks culture, and speak “pidgin” Ukrainian (a mixture of Ukrainian and Russian), which is deprived of any sense. And this is happening under the conditions when modern society is a great deal more desoriented and complex than it used to be. Therefore, preserving and constant updating of speech and communication canons is becoming increasingly important.

And bilingualism is not only about using two languages for communication. It is a space of intellectual and cultural dialogue that has a philosophical implication. This dialogue requires tolerance and pluralism, in other words, an ability to listen to the others’ opinions. Again, extreme standpoints do not help at all to untangle the dramatic knots of either Ukrainian historic memory, or modern political and social situation. So, work in a bilingual office with such history and such record of the dialog culture helped me better understand how important it is to preserve in yourself and around yourself the culture you belong to, as well as the other cultures. This goes together with the realization of the fact that different nationalities and languages have a right not just to coexist next to each other, but live together in the modern world. This is beautiful, dynamic, and interesting. This motivates further development, modernization, and progress. However, in is unbelievably hard too, it is hard everywhere, especially in a country like Ukraine.

This experience has taught me a few very important lessons. First of all, I think being aware of our rights and duties is the first step towars the construction of authentic democracy. This was also one of my critical points against the idealistic statements like “You will be the next leaders of Ukraine” or “Ukraine will manage to become a democracy with the help and support of the Western countries.” No, democracy is not a concept that can be easily exported. Overall, Western politicians’ mentality suffers from a slight form of megalomania. They think that democracy can be taught. Oh no! Even Greece, which was the motherland of democracy as a special system of values in the ancient times, or other Western countries that have been building democratic systems for two thousand years, do not always pass the “democracy test” with straight A. Democracy starts in conscience, individual and collective: demo-cratic values must be absorbed by society without anyone’s assistance, each person has to make sure for themselves that this is the only system that can ensure the best way to solve national problems and meet all the needs of the society.

However, this self-realization comes with time, and not automatically, but as a result of immense intellectual and moral efforts. For example, radical reforms in the education system should be made, because that is where any kind of innovation starts. The process of obtaining education shapes future citizens, future intellectuals, and future voters. But the reforms are provided by the politicians. And if, as it is in Ukraine, they are coming out of an outdated and corrupt system, waiting for changes from them would be a waste of time. They will only be able to exacerbate old maladies. And yet, if politicians are leading Ukrainian society to the edge of an abyss, then why does this society vote for them over and over again? In a society with a minimum level of rationality the very question would sound absurd: this can only happen in a society of suicides. No wonder that as a result, all efforts are directed at finding the culprit. Ancient Romans called that circulum vitiosum, the vicious circle. It hurts bitterly to see that this circle keeps running smoothly, bringing to the surface new editions of the old ghosts, who then come to occupy the same offices – black multiplication.

Last but not least – it was from the perspective of Canada, this “Europe” of the Americas, that I could clearly see how today’s Ukraine was perceived as a territory OUTSIDE European civilization. But what is also obvious is that the West will not give up the hope (which it takes rather as its moral duty) to convert Ukraine’s mostly “eastern” mentality into the dimension of the democratic values. However, the West cannot be fooled with a formal acceptance of these categories. Only when Ukraine takes conscious and clear steps testifying to the priority of the fundamental democratic values, will the road to the EU be unblocked. So far, the West can only see that Ukraine has got certain European experience in its historical and cultural tradition. But it has not yet gained the critical mass, enough to block Ukraine’s sliding back into Eurasia. This is why in Canada we had the feeling of joint work – that of the Ukrainian Diaspora, of the Canadian politicians, and ours – as an effort aimed at the search for and consolidation of those foundations in Ukraine, which would allow it to naturally become part of the free world.

One of my strongest impressions is the persistence and the power of memory in the Ukrainian Diaspora. True enough, many think that the representatives of the Diaspora often behave as idealists, failing (or reluctant) to notice how bitter and sad their words can sound for young Ukrainians who are feeling like prisoners of a Ukraine they cannot recognize (or conversely, which they recognize all too well). On the other hand, the Diaspora can also serve as a denial of dead-end situations. One has just to believe and keep working – but only according to the principles of work ethic.

We were able to clearly realize what miracle the CUPP director, lawyer Ihor Bardyn had created – together with all of his colleagues, the Ukrainian families, who invested their time, money, intellectual energy, and emotions into this program. Remarkably, they give with joy and readiness, as if they get a feedback of additional positive energy. I will never forget the Hordiienkos (from Dnipropet-rovsk oblast, by the way) – an older couple, but so much in love that even at parties they dance together like newlyweds. Nor will I forget Lucy Hicks from Italy, who has become part and parcel of the CUPP Project and cannot imagine her life without it. These people have worked hard in their lives, but they emanate calmness, faith, freedom, and dignity.

Personally I benefited a lot from my Canadian experience – and I do hope that I have given something useful back. I couldn’t but do that when I saw how responsible and devoted Ukrainians from various migration waves were. Ousted from their motherland first by poverty, and then by political dramas, they have been working for 120 years (2011 is the big anniversary) in order to contribute to the flourishing of the Maple Leaf country and preserve its identity. At the moment, when Ukraine begs the world for this or other help, these people, shaped by a democratic system, take care of the country of their residence and the country of their origin. Deprived of their Fatherland, they reproduced it in Canada and keep giving a part of this glow to their lost native land.

A noble symbol, but such a sad one: on the farewell night, Mr. Bardyn brought with him a bonsai tree and a branch. “You are a tree that has its roots in Ukraine’s land, no matter how hard it is for this tree,” said he melancholically. “We are a loose branch. Our cherished dream is to become part of this tree again someday.” And when these people, no longer young, cry as they remember their motherland, which for most Ukrainian politicians is nothing but their business territory, it becomes just another proof of democracy as the vital environment for conscientious, ethical patriotism, which is totally destroyed by totalitarian systems.

This program has been in effect for 21 years, but there is a risk of its curtailing. As always, there is the financial problem. And still, the Ukrainians of Canada have kept it going for two decades, hoping that a new generation of Ukraine’s academic, artistic, and political elite will grow up. Meanwhile, few people know about this program in Ukraine. This is a very symbolic paradox. Therefore for me the problem is not only limited to the possible disappearing of the program – the problem lies in ourselves, in everyone who knows about this program but won’t find the opportunity or power to protect and preserve it, and who will let it disappear. Helping this program means adding a stone to the edifice of civic society in Ukraine. I would very much like to do all my best now for this prospect – and what drives me is actually the dream of Ukraine as part and parcel of modern European civic society. Next year I would like to see our followers, young Ukrainians, who will see for themselves how democratic institutions of Canada work, and who will meet interesting people and get an opportunity to obtain this new, valuable experience, which will help them to find themselves in Ukraine – and find Ukraine in themselves.

As far as my personal development goes, I would like to say that these two months mean a lot to me. Canada as a whole gave me an unforgettable sense of a country with an amazing ability to preserve the cultural roots. And then, all those various people I met thanks to working at Trudeau’s office have enriched my outlook, and consolidated my liberal va-lues. Now I’ve got new friends all over the world, with whom I enjoy sharing my ideas, thoughts, and memories. But the most valuable thing is perhaps that I met fantastic young Ukrainians, and that has cemented my Ukrainian identity at such a deep psychological level, for which I will forever be grateful to each of them. I have found friends who became spiritual “sponsors” of my Ukrainian half even more than they can imagine.

Maybe this is also due to the increasing waves of hopelessness which Ukraine keep sending to Europe. But I refuse to accept this hopelessness when I come in contact with such young people. And I hope that we will be able to continue this project in other forms as well – perhaps, at the discussion table of mass media like The Day. For The Day has always shown most respect and attention for the Ukrainian youth across the country and worldwide, treating them not as our rhetoric “future,” but as real intellectual and moral force, able to change our nation.

Celebrating our birthdays we always remember that our generation of 20-year-olds is the contemporary of Ukraine’s Independence. We must be the first totally free generation of Ukrainian youth. It is natural for us to travel around the world. I love both Kyiv and Rome, but I feel best in London, and I’m in love with Paris, and I feel nostalgic for Scotland, and I’m going to find out more about Poland, and I discover Germany for myself. We tried to count the countries we had been to – some had visited ten, some even more. The Soviet regime banned the previous generations from leaving the country, and the Diaspora could not enter it. Conversely, many of us can choose where to study and then, where to work. Therefore, for us geopolitical reference points correlate with our existential dimensions. For today we are the people of choice.

But freedom means first of all responsibility, effort, and will.

“Wollen koennen,” as my favorite philosopher Kant would say. If there is a will, there is a way. If each of us strives for honest, conscientious behavior in all spheres of our life – it will be the way to the creation of an honest society and thus, a just society. Let it be an ideal – but this is an ideal by which Europe has been living for 2,500 years. An ideal as a stimulus for action and overcoming.

This is why I think that we can – and we must – take a geopolitical pencil and draw a new map of OUR SPACE, where Europe and Ukraine will not be separated by borders anymore.