From Maoism to technocracy

Recently the fifth generation of politicians came to power in China since Mao Zedong founded the republic in 1949, with Xi Jinping replacing Hu Jintao as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (Xi’s father Xi Zhongxun (1913-2002) was one of the communist founding fathers). What can the Chinese expect from the new administration? Will Xi Jinping put an end to the Maoist heritage? More on this in the following interview with Andrei KIRILLOV, head of ITAR-TASS office in Beijing.

“The congress in Beijing attracted popular interest, of course. I spoke to several people in Beijing and heard varying opinions. Generally speaking, the new political generation (which is young enough by local standard) will lead the country on a road of reforms; they will solve problems in the socioeconomic sphere, including the soaring consumer prices.

“Many also believe that the political reforms are too slow, that they should be expedited, considering that Chinese society is changing, that there is a large-scale social stratification process underway, including the mounting costs of real estate that make the purchase of a home very difficult. Today, all homes are on a commercial basis. No social ones left in China.

“I also spoke with migrant laborers (Chinese peasants who amount to some 270 million). These people make up the least socially protected component of Chinese society. They expect the new political leadership to solve their pressing problems, particularly safe food, environment, employment (this problem worries the younger generation in the first place, considering that college/university graduates have a hard time finding jobs).

“All things considered, the new political leadership is giving rise to optimistic moods in China. Local websites offer interesting comments. Soccer fans expect the new Communist Party General Secretary, Xi Jinping, to raise the national soccer ratings, considering a Twitter photo in which he kicks the ball while visiting Ireland.

“Of course, all positive expectations depend on the personality of the new political leader. Xi Jinping is quite sociable. He often smiles and abhors conflict situations.”

Will the new political leadership adhere to Mao Zedong’s ideas? Prior to the congress there were media reports that the new Politburo would discard his ideas and abide by the action plans worked out by the second-to-fourth generations of political leaders.

“China discarded Maoism after Deng Xiaoping came to power. Considering what ex-General Secretary Hu Jintao said on the first day of the congress, it is safe to assume that Chinese ideology is rooted in Deng Xiaoping’s concept of socialism, built with an eye to Chinese specificities. Mao Zedong’s ideas, as well as Marxism-Leninism, remain in the statute of the Communist Party of China (CPC), but they are referred to in a general sense, as a starting point for the construction and development of the Party. A closer look at the CPC family tree shows that there are no longer class struggle and workers and peasants’ power branches. The CPC currently claims the status of a single national party. This congress included some 30 deputies from the business quarters – people who make up China’s national bourgeoisie.”

Getting back to Mao Zedong. How do Chinese feel about him?

“There is a difference between Mao Zedong as an individual and his political heritage. More often than not Chinese hold him in esteem. His big portrait is still on Tiananmen Square, along with his huge mausoleum. On the other hand, Mao’s legacy, his ideas cause varying responses, ranging between complete approval and outright rejection. China’s big cities tend to discard Maoism and lessen its impact on today’s ideology. Nevertheless, Mao Zedong is very much alive in people’s memory, and this phenomenon can manifest itself in many ways. During the recent rallies of protest in Beijing, against Japan’s nationalization of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, a number of protesters carried Mao Zedong portraits. Quite a few political analysts believe that this was a manifestation of criticism of Japanese as well as domestic policy; that the Beijing administration wasn’t resolute enough to defend the national interest. In other words, the image of China’s Great Helmsman is still there, although in terms of business nothing is left of his ideas.”

What about Mao’s legacy, such as the ill-famed cultural revolution, purges, famine? Any response within Chinese society?

“At the very start of reforms in China, back in 1970, the CPC adopted a special decree, to the effect that 70 percent of Mao’s ideas were right and 30 percent wrong. In other words, the Chinese closed the issue.

“It is true that the Mao debate continues, even if kept away from the public eye. During a press conference in March, China’s Prime Minister Wen Jiabao warned that his country would suffer another cultural revolution, unless the administration carries out the right kind of reform. People in China are scared to remember the ‘ten-year chaos.’ Most believe that the cultural revolution was a nationwide catastrophe.

“In his speech, the Chinese Prime Minister had in mind the performance of a condemned politician by the name of Bo Xilai, who headed the party committee of Chongqing, one of China’s big cities with a population of 32 million. At the time, government-controlled television broadcast no commercials or soap operas, just revolutionary songs. The populace was encouraged to visit ‘places of combat glory,’ and Bo Xilai kept reminding his audiences of the ‘glory of the Cultural Revolution.’ Some of the Chinese Establishment regarded this as an attempt to repeat the revolution that had started in the cultural domain.”

Does this mean that the democratic wing won during the CPC congress?

“No one is actively combating Maoism, because Mao is still regarded as a turning point in Chinese history. I wouldn’t describe the fifth generation as democratic. Liberal is more to the point. A number of Chinese liberals have much to do with business, whereas many, including the CPC leadership, are wary of political reform. Chinese politicians have carried out in-depth studies of the Soviet Union’s perestroika and the end result: collapse. Therefore, political reform is a top priority issue on their political agenda. China is trying to keep stable and developing, carrying out reforms that won’t upset social balance. They also want to keep their multiethnic country united (considering the presence of Tibet and Inner Mongolia, with a strong nationalist sentiment).”

How does the Chinese nomenklatura differ from the Soviet one?

“The Chinese ruling elite is closer to the people. None of the CPC leaders was born in Beijing; most originated from backwater provinces and small towns, with a long manual labor record. This is one of the factors that make the Chinese party elite so strong. I mean they are part of the common folk. They are well aware of the pressing problems. Yet one of the pressing problems is corruption. It is rampant in China. In fact, the political leadership believes that corruption can topple the party and the country.

“Comparing the Chinese political leadership with the Soviet counterpart, the Chinese one actually works for its country. They don’t have a geriatric Politburo (Deng Xiaoping put an end to this practice, determining a clear-cut age qualification: change of CPC leadership every ten years). Xi Jinping (b. 1953) and the future Prime Minister, Li Keqiang (b. 1955), are still in their prime.

“The quality of the Chinese ruling elite is one of the prerequisites of that country’s progress: the right kind of [domestic and foreign] policy; hard-working and effective administration, and a strong national elite. Another important aspect: there are many professional technicians among them, people who received party positions after having spent years working for some or other production facilities.”

What do you think is China’s attitude to its place on the world arena?

“China is also known [historically] as the Middle Kingdom. Chinese traditionally regard their country as the center of the planet. National patriotism is being revived. This movement verges on nationalism. Doubtlessly, the national idea unites all of them, the well-to-do and the poor Chinese. Now that China ranks second after the United States as the world’s most industrialized country, with its living standard way up, their national attitude is markedly patriotic. However, at times this patriotism gets weird. Recently, when the anti-Japan campaign was at its peak, a 36-year-old Chinese murdered his friend after they disagreed on whether China or Japan would win [the next] war. One can see a number of cars with Chinese flags or other patriotic stickers. There are also many Chinese who love their country but would prefer to live and work abroad. A great many Chinese leave their country. There is an increasing number of ethnic Chinese across the world, yet deep inside each of them loves his/her native land.”