Cat and Dog Unite Against the Cook

The parliamentary week’s intrigue remains the same, centered on two questions: Who will be Premier? Will Speaker Tkachenko retain his post? While the situation in Parliament has relaxed somewhat after changes in the leadership in the current Speaker’s favor (after meeting with the President, Oleksandr Tkachenko agreed to transfer the inauguration ceremony from Parliament to the Ukraine Palace), the fight for the Speaker’s seat has entered the crucial phase. At present, the number of contenders (and, accordingly, the alignment of factions backing them) is better outlined: Mykola Azarov, Leonid Derkach, Viktor Medvedchuk, and Valery Pustovoitenko. Rotation on the principle “fish seek deeper waters and People’s Deputies more secure positions,” predicted after the announcement of the election marked a new stage on November 18 when four lawmakers declared changes in their faction affiliation: the Peasants’ Chykal and Regional Renaissance Zhovtys suddenly became aware of their true Social Democratic calling; Kostytsky became disillusioned with the NDP, and independent Kyvalov felt irresistibly attracted by Labor Ukraine.

These changes in deputies’ affiliations may be regarded as evidence of the degree of political influence exerted by various groups in the President’s entourage. Losses sustained by the NDP show that the People’s Democrats, also claiming the role of a unifying force in forming the parliamentary majority and, naturally, backing their leader Pustovoitenko, are not actually the strongest party to the negotiating process. To support this assumption, analysts refer even to the Ukrainian Soccer National’s fiasco in the final with Slovenia. Word is that Valery Pustovoitenko can be ordered to vacate his seat as President of the Soccer Federation any day (it is generally known that since the times of Communist leader Shcherbytsky that soccer has been a political game in Ukraine), to be succeeded by Viktor Medvedchuk.

The SDPU(o) faction’s growing influence, in turn, testifies to the growing influence of Mr. Medvedchuk.

Incidentally, Peasant leader Serhiy Dovhan thus commented on Mr. Chykal’s siding with the Social Democrats: “Chykal was not a member of the Peasants’ Party but was represented in its faction. When he left the independents to join us he was content with the party’s stand, but only until Tkachenko became a presidential candidate and he, Leonid Kuchma’s campaign agent in his constituency. Actually, People’s Deputies from business circles are exposed to a great deal of pressure, they are being literally torn apart.”

Obviously, those pressuring the Peasants’ Party have a clearly defined task: disarm Tkachenko, leave him without a faction of his own that could substantially enhance the Left opposition in Parliament, currently numbering 210 lawmakers, turning it into a shield for the Speaker.

As for Mr. Zhovtys, Regional Renaissance leader Stepan Havrysh does not even try to conceal his joy at the businessman’s decision to join a “friendly faction with which we cooperate... We will be happy if deputies like Zhovtys serve to strengthen SDPU(o).”

Well, nothing unexpected has happened: “Dog and cat unite against the cook,” a Rukh member told The Day, adding he would prefer to remain anonymous.

Meanwhile, the Coalition of Four — Rukh (Kostenko), Batkivshchyna, Greens, and Labor Ukraine — after signing an agreement on joint action in forming the majority and participation in a coalition government, had to switch from offense to defense. In any case, Yuliya Tymoshenko started discussing the need to defend the coalition’s proposals, rather than “key posts,” and seek compromise in talks among the factions. Most likely, the first such concession will be the coalition’s support of SBU Chief Leonid Derkach as a candidate Premier, otherwise it is hard to explain the consent of legislators Pinchuk, Derkach, Jr., and Sharov to become full-fledged members of the Coalition of Four.

INCIDENTALLY

Answering The Day’s question, “Who of the professionals has the best idea about structural economic reforms?” the most common answers are Deputy Premier Serhiy Tyhypko and NBU Governor Viktor Yushchenko.

This is why Valery Pustovoitenko (or anybody else of the first string candidates to head the government) may fail to win parliamentary approval. It is completely possible that Verkhovna Rada will remove him to clear the way for a professional economist and not a representative of the parliamentary majority.