What Is the Party of Power Doing With Those in Power?

The first round of the fourth NDP convention was in full conformity with the much planned and ambiguous scenario worked out earlier by the party leadership. Yet the whole affair somehow went out of bounds.

To begin with there was the very way it was organized. Those familiar with the People's Democratic Party's actions saw at once that something was awry; the organizing committee did not seem concerned about such things as how the whole thing would look to the press, guests, et al. Previously, such things were always seriously considered. This was evidence enough that the emphasis was on internal problems, of which there are many, considering what actually took place. In the first place, there was no salutatory message from the President (previously he never missed an opportunity to mark yet another "epochal" NDP development by a telegram of greetings). Actually, there was no response, period, despite the fact that the convention was to determine whether or not NDP will back his candidacy in the next campaign.

Much as NDP tries to prove publicly that the party is one thing and the President something else, the absence of greetings from the Chief Executive to a party generally considered to be the party of power is not a veiled threat (there were many, according to Oleksandr Yemets, including cadre decisions and a series of edicts), but a stab in the open.

Many NDP members think that the President has distanced himself from the party and is now flirting with the Left, as evidenced, among other things, by his message to Parliament and his growing understanding with the Speaker who, contrary to prediction, will not run for presidency, but will "invest" in Mr. Kuchma.

In view of the President's demonstration of indifference to the NDP, the latter could respond in a dignified manner by forming a "constructive" opposition, the more so that during the convention some hinted at the possibility of siding with some third force. Perhaps this would make the President take the party seriously. However, the party of power image prevailed over hurt feelings. Anatoly Matviyenko, happy to see himself reelected, three times stressed the need to "personify" the candidates who could count to NDP support, although at the beginning of his speech the party leader, referring to views from the regions, stated that the NDP has its own candidates and that these people have been identified: Messrs. Pustovoitenko, Yushchenko, Pliushch, Kinakh, and Diomin. "NDP is not going to impose itself on anyone," Matviyenko emphasized time and again, so everyone in the audience understood that this is precisely what the party is going to do. Moreover, those in the hall feared, "Before long we'll find no one needs us." True, his repeated statements sounded very realistic, especially against the miserable background of support manifested by a handful of NDP's potential allies. In fact, only the Christian Democratic Party, Mr. Balashov with his Beautiful Ukraine, and the Democratic Party sent their representatives to the convention, and after their speeches many realized that with friends like those the NDP needed no enemies.

As for the regions to which Mr. Matviyenko referred in his speech, the only representatives "from afar" were the head of Vinnytsia oblast's "reliable" organization and representative of the youth and women's wings. To most it was obvious that the others were told to keep mum for fear that some would ask from the podium, with provincial straightforwardness, "So who is calling the tune now?" Also, this was evidence that the party keeps the regional cells under control (and that was largely why Kyiv organization leader Tolstoukhov's attempt to crowd the NDP leader out of his seat failed, contrary to pre-convention predictions).

In fact, it was after Mr. Tolstoukhov came out with what boiled down to a demand that the party leadership be handed over to Valery Pustovoitenko that the rift between NDP Parliament and Cabinet groups became obvious, although the first indications could be discerned at the beginning of the convention. Mr. Yemets later said that Mr. Matviyenko's harsh speech was as different from those of Messrs. Pustovoitenko and Kushnariov as "platonic love from sexual contact." Matviyenko said, in part, "We must bear our cross, our responsibility for the government," and his tone made the rest of the statement easy to guess, "while the President has refused to carry this burden, and public power has stopped identifying itself with NDP." The reason for this treachery he sees in the fact that "some in the corridors of power intend to turn the NDP into an appendix of power, thus showing Mr. Kuchma just how much influence they have," a more than transparent hint. Presidential Aide Volkov seems to have succeeded in persuading the President that he is better than the NDP. Hence the People's Democrats' complaints about Mr. Kuchma's erroneous cadre policy (they were left out when allocating posts at the Domestic Policy Coordinating Council), the firing of the Presidential Administration's head, and the possibility of replacing Presidential Representative in Verkhovna Rada Roman Bezsmertny by People's Deputy Volkov. Incidentally, the natural gas people's withdrawal from NDP on the eve of the convention speaks of big domestic capital's intention to keep its distance from all ideological showdowns (and Mr. Kuchma has made it clear that he counts on their support).

It should be noted that the key issue at the convention was not to pick a 1999 candidate (instead, a Concept of Requirements for the Candidate was approved, meaning that anyone could be found to answer them), but to form a centrist democratic bloc "to oppose the Left revanche, and then we'll see," declared Mr. Filenko.

Anatoly Matviyenko, aware that NDP is being pushed toward the NEP bloc, insists on setting up a coalition of parliamentary parties, counting on Rukh, Progressive Labor, the Greens, and United Social Democrats, but the idea seems a bit half-baked in view of the fact that none of the above sent their emissaries to the convention (and its author thinks this also). Apparently, NDP's one chance to survive is in getting supremacy in a coalition that has 20-25% of the votes, for "anyone will win relying on such a coalition," Mr. Stetskiv feels sure.

Another interesting fact: Mr. Yemets, having dared to "let Valery Pustovoitenko down somehow," declared that "Leonid Kuchma should think of his successor, and he should be Valery Pustovoitenko." A possibility, of course, provided Mr. Pustovoitenko cut a figure suiting all contracting parties, and provided he could be placed at the head of such a democratic bloc. Alas, he cuts no such figure. However, the man is not averse to the idea. One NDP stalwart stated, "He not only wants to but could act out a presidential successor scenario, but only if Leonid Kuchma okayed it. He will never take the field alone." The said source also maintains that the President would approve this, but his entourage prevents him.