EU Enlargement Puts Ukraine in a New Situation, Oleksandr Chaly Believes

“Would you characterize the current relations between Ukraine and the European Union on the eve of the latter’s enlargement?”

“We build our relationship with the EU on the basis of several factors. Firstly, the enlargement of the European Union is already an accomplished fact. Secondly, we have proclaimed and are pursuing a course toward European integration. Our political strategy has not changed — moreover, it has received a constitutional support from parliament, which is a very serious factor. Thirdly, the European Union has not yet reached a consensus about the model of relations it will offer Ukraine after enlargement.

“The only thing in the ‘neighborhood’ and ‘broad Europe’ concepts about which a consensus was reached is that the new EU neighbors should be offered an ambitious program of cooperation and that relations with these countries be differentiated depending on the progress of democratic transformations in them and the goals they set with respect to the EU. As to concrete actions, European Commissioner Chris Patten and EU Council Secretary General Javier Solana were instructed to draw up specific proposals.

“In my view, this means the EU does not close its door to Ukraine. We therefore welcome the concepts of a ‘broad Europe’ and ‘neighborhood’ from the angle that they offer new patterns of relations with Ukraine, and we think that ‘neighborly’ relations should in fact mean association between Ukraine and the EU. This may be a gradual process that calls for a structuralized political dialog, the agreement on an asymmetrical free trade area, increased cooperation in the field of justice and law-enforcement, and a new concept of technical aid. In other words, the small- steps philosophy will help create a critical mass that will turn the relations of partnership into those of association and integration.

“We are conducting an intensive and fruitful dialog and have a high-profile short term program of actions. Now, for example, it is the visit of the EU Troika.

“Ukraine has been invited to participate in the European Conference to be held in April in Athens. Formally, this will be Ukraine’s first participation in this kind of forums. While Italy chairs the Union, it is planned to hold a Ukraine-EU summit.

“The bottom line is that, in spite of our foreign political difficulties, the EU and Ukraine still maintain the relations of trust and cooperation with good prospects for the future.

“We are also aware of the criticism the EU levels on us in connection with domestic reforms and freedom of the press. We do and will take it into account while carrying out our domestic transformations.

“EU enlargement puts Ukraine in a new situation: it will be the leader of all the Eastern European countries as far as progress in European integration is concerned. From this angle, we are feeling certain regional responsibility for European integration processes in our region. For instance, we have had consultations with Moldova which has also opted for European integration. We have also had consultations with Russia on these matters and have finally concluded that Moscow does not set itself a goal to join the EU even in the future. This will determine our relations with both the EU and Russia. We are in contact with Belarus about this subject. So, if we want Ukraine to integrate into the EU, we must feel regional responsibility for the proliferation of European values in the context of relations with our neighbors and our regional policies.”

“Does the invitation of Ukraine to the European Conference envisage participation on the topmost level?”

“Undoubtedly so. The EU officially announced it had not revised its policy toward Ukraine, and it is obvious for us that Ukraine was invited to participate at the highest level.”

“The beginning of the Year of Russia in Ukraine and election of the President of Ukraine as Chairman of the CIS Council provoked comments about a serious step in this direction. How does this correlate with Ukraine’s course toward European and Euro-Atlantic integration?”

“There should be an unbiased approach here. We also plan to hold topmost-level meetings in the context of European integration: the Ukraine-EU summit, the European Conference, and the Ukraine-EU Council meeting scheduled for March 17-18. In compliance with the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation, we maintain a continuous and never-ending political dialog with the EU. The invitation to the European Conference is a new element which shows that Ukraine becomes part of the inner, not only outer, European affairs, which s a historic moment indeed.

“Today, our short,— medium,— and long-term integration is impossible without normal, predictable, and stable relations with our neighbors, first of all, with Russia. In my opinion, those who criticize Ukraine’s Eastern policy, claiming that it runs counter to the course toward European integration, underestimate the fact that the value of Ukraine as a EU partner depends on its ability to pursue a serious regional policy. Our CIS chairmanship may assume absolutely diverse forms. What we must argue about is not whether this will promote our European integration but what should be done to let this speed up our integration into Europe.

“For instance, readmission is one of the key problems in our relations with the EU, and I think our CIS chairmanship will help us press on with the idea of forming a ‘common readmission space’ between the EU and the CIS, including one with Russia, Belarus, and Moldova.

“The CIS reformation declaration contains our idea of establishing a free trade area based on the World Trade Organization principles. If we begin to do this, we will be quite able to increase and restructure on WTO principles our exporting capacity.

“The signing of a border treaty with Russia also provides a considerable impetus to European integration.”

“What do you think about Polish initiatives for the EU to build relations with its ‘new neighbors’ after enlargement?”

“We take a positive view of them. These initiatives give Ukraine a short-term prospect of association with and a long-term prospect of membership in the EU. The differences, if any, are of tactical nature. In brief, this initiative is another proof of Poland’s desire to secure us a place in the united Europe. We would like the Polish voice to be heard by both current and prospective EU members.”

“Can Ukraine hope for being removed from the Schengen ‘blacklist’?”

“There are some prerequisites which may allow this country to pull out of this ‘blacklist.’ We have already begun to discuss these prerequisites with the EU and specify the criteria by which Ukraine does not meet the Schengen requirements. We insist that the readmission agreement (if it were reached, we would take serious commitments) be coupled with most favorable visa requirements. We have already managed to have readmission discussions going on in parallel with visa consultations, which in fact consider the conditions for removing Ukraine from the ‘blacklist’ and finding a different form of relations between Ukraine and the Schengen countries.

“Ukraine is not seeking exclusive rights. What we ask for is the most simplified and favorable application of the Schengen agreement. We are also carefully studying the existing practices — why, for example, the EU requires no visas from Tunisian or Indian bearers of diplomatic passports and why this is impossible for us.

“I would be too big an optimist if I said we would be able to join the Schengen group in six to twelve months. Yet, I am optimistic in that we will manage to persuade the Schengen counties to streamline and simplify the issue of visas by demonstrating a proper approach to solving some very sensitive problems. Without this kind of cooperation, we will be unable to make progress in such matters as combating organized crime and illegal migration because these things are closely connected.

“We always note that Brussels bureaucrats, who treat the future Ukraine-EU border as the EU’s external borderline, are wrong because this will be a common border which requires cooperation rather than a one-sided policy.”

“What exactly model of association can be discussed in the EU?”

“We would like not to invent something new but use the ‘shoes’ left by the current candidate members. In other words, we want to have the association model they had, a European-type association. Still, some changes may be made. Maybe, the EU-Ukraine relations are specific in their own way. There are three things absolutely indispensable in the future Ukraine-EU association agreement: a clear-cut admission of Ukraine’s right to integrate into the EU, the establishment of joint instruments and institutions on the basis of this agreement, empowered to pass binding decisions, and a new concept of technical aid, transformation of the existing TACIS program on the basis of the PHARE program philosophy aimed at bringing society up to EU standards.”

“What prerequisites may be required for associated membership?”

“A decision to establish the relations of association is of purely political nature and depends on the political situation and political premises. We agree that the EU levels well-grounded criticism on Ukraine with respect to democratization, economic reforms, establishing a civil society, and freedom of the media. We hope we will manage to effect positive changes in the nearest years and prove to the EU and to ourselves that, given an unbiased approach without double standards, Ukraine has the right to have the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation transformed into one on association. Today, the Ukrainian society, government, and elite should have faith in the chosen course toward European integration and in the necessity of pursuing this course even in the absence of clear feedback. We must prove, first of all, to ourselves that we are capable of transforming society on the basis of EU standards. In my view, there is no other option. Should we be consistent and keep up this faith, we are sure to reach an association agreement by 2007. That will be the crucial year for making decisions on a new wave of EU enlargement and the further destiny of the partnership and cooperation agreement.”

“What has kept us from proving this to ourselves and others before?”

“Let us be objective. Ukraine could not have transformed, by definition, its society the way Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic did, for these had not only an independent state but also the real experience of existence in democratic traditions. We objectively needed ten years to form the initial conditions that the Central and Eastern European countries had in the 90s. In my opinion, we are on these positions today. And today we need another decade or so to lay the groundwork for initiating our likely EU membership. It is impossible to accelerate the historical process.”

“It is no longer concealed that very much in the Ukraine-West relations will depend on the outcome of the 2004 presidential elections. What do you think?”

“Democratic elections is one of the EU values. And even today we are being signaled that the extent to which the election will be democratic will be a crucial factor in the European Union’s attitude to Ukraine. What is of paramount importance here is the very process, not the fact who will win. It is the democratic election process that will create the climate of cooperation between Ukraine and the European institutions. We can see on the example of Moldova that, given a generally democratic process of elections in that country, the EU takes quite a positive attitude to its Communist president Voronin.”