Dmitry ROGOZIN: “Since we love Ukraine so much, why don’t we smother it in our embrace?”
“What is your assessment of the current relations between Ukraine and Russia, including economic relations?”
“No matter what they say, I have always thought that Ukraine is a top priority in Russia’s foreign policy. I would like our relations in all spheres to be as close as possible. But this does not rule out differences. As you know, it is members of a single family who fight most. There is no fight like the one between a husband and wife. You know how they say: ‘Would you like to divorce your wife? Divorce? I don’t think so, I’d rather kill her.’ It’s a joke, of course. There obviously are some problems that cause resentment in both countries, but this is only natural and should be treated as normal relations between two affiliated countries that share a common history, blood, and — fortunately or not — common brains. In my view, the problem of the Ukrainian elite is in that it is still asserting itself. However, we have long moved beyond the problem of self-assertion. It’s time to address other issues such as the economy, improving living standards, increasing life expectancy, stopping the mass exodus of young Ukrainians abroad in search of mostly illegal employment, and so forth. I sometimes argue with our political scientists, who claim that politics is determined by interests. After all, specific people are managing the country, people who have their strong and weak points, intellects, upbringing, and education. Of course, they are guided by certain interests, but in their own interpretation. In fact, politics is ruled by passions. For example, you use the phrase ‘to smother in a tight embrace.’ Since we love Ukraine so much, why not smother it in our tight embrace? Ukraine is a big European country, and neither Germany, nor France, nor anyone else can disregard this. Considering its huge territory that is a zone of strategic interests in Eastern Europe, it is understandable that the battle for Ukraine will be a major one. However, Russian businessmen have more reasons to fight for their presence in Ukraine than, say, their German or French counterparts. While for the latter this simply means an eastward expansion and capturing new markets, for the former it means expanding their operations in a natural and understandable environment that is close to them from the psychological viewpoint.”
“What is your assessment of the prospects for the creation of a Single Economic Space from the viewpoint of economic benefit for Russia and Ukraine?”
“I have thought a lot about it and analyzed the economic indices. Everything looks like this. Our economies are deeply integrated. For centuries a single statehood had been built on our territories, and industries were even located in such a way as to make part of them in Russia and the other part in Ukraine. After our ways parted, we started somewhat sadistically to break off natural horizontal relations. I will not mention the need for free migration of workers and free movement of citizens between the two countries. Our economic policies should be coordinated. For example, when we saw how Ukrainian representatives negotiated Ukraine’s WTO accession, our hair stood on end. We wrestle with the West for every clause in the agreement to secure for ourselves acceptable terms for WTO entry and prevent damage to domestic producers. Meanwhile, your negotiators are hurrying things. I get the impression that Ukraine is seeking WTO membership on any terms, as long as it joins it before Russia. Then, as a WTO member, Ukraine will be able to dictate the terms for Russia’s entry. But these are dangerous games, for they could adversely affect Ukraine’s economy.”
“You have figuratively characterized Ukraine’s relationship with Russia. What formula would you use to describe Russia’s current relationship with the US.”
“They are much colder, of course, for the simple reason that although the US surpasses Russia in the military sphere, let alone the economy, we are geopolitical rivals all the same. Our relationship with America must be absolutely pragmatic: we have to maintain friendly relations with America, but not let it interfere with our, so to say, time-honored interests. What I mean by this is that 50% of our foreign trade is with the EU. But in military terms the EU is a weak formation. We cannot rely on them. Americans are a quite different matter. The US accounts for a mere 6% of our foreign trade, which is very little. Thus in economic terms Russia is absolutely independent from the US. Meanwhile, we will try to use their military potential wherever there is a major threat and where our interests coincide.”
