Pogroms Return to Moscow

A real pogrom took place at the Russian capital as some 300 youngsters, believed by the Moscow police to be soccer fans acting under the influence of drugs and alcohol (as reported by the Russian media) raided and vandalized Afghan kiosks and vendor stands in the south of Moscow. Two persons died, a resident of Moscow, an ethnic Armenian judging by his name, and a visitor from India. Several persons from the Caucasus and Moldova sustained bodily injuries. Eyewitness accounts describe the mob as not only aggressive but also well organized. Moscow officials appeared on television and in the print media, among them Mayor Yury Luzhkov. And this was probably the most unpleasant aspect of the whole affair. Mr. Luzhkov, while admitting, along with others, that the problem did exist and had to be solved, repeated the motto long since implanted in so many minds: Moscow for the Muscovites! Even though he did it in a roundabout way, referring to practical experience and such, the idea was there. Moscow must have a special status and special entry and registration restrictions, Vladimir Pronin, head of Moscow’s chief interior directorate, told Russia’s Novosti News Agency. He added that “additional entry restrictions are being instituted in all civilized countries,” while the Moscow militia can merely register, notify, and deport persons staying in the capital on unlawful grounds. Mr. Pronin stated that efforts are being made to solve this problem also at the federal level and that, hopefully, an appropriate law would be enacted soon.

Xenophobia is not a rare phenomenon in Moscow and Russia, even though the capital’s population is in ethnic terms a motley crew.

Nor is it a secret that xenophobia, persisting in the public mind and a disgusting phenomenon as such, addresses not only Jews, people from the Caucasus or Asia, but also Ukrainians, Moldovans, and other nationalities. The problem most likely consists in chauvinism and militant nationalism which, even though erased at the official level, meet with no obstacles from authorities at the everyday level of the man in the street. Moreover, some members of the Russian elite feel quite comfortable with this and make no attempt to conceal their views. In a normal society this would result in a series of scandals at the least.

COMMENTARY

Volodymyr PANIOTTO, Ph.D. in philosophy and director of Kyiv International Institute of Sociology:

At present, we have few comparative studies of the levels of xenophobia in Ukraine and Russia. In contrast with US studies, this level remains high in both countries. I think the reasons are found in the current situation, in all the hardships people experience. Our statistics show that the levels of satisfaction with living standards and xenophobia largely coincide. I can’t say where the xenophobia level is higher, in Ukraine or in Russia, although we are studying the matter. Together with our Russian colleagues, we expect to receive a grant for a large-scale comparative study. Ukraine’s level of xenophobia rose in 1992-98 and then stabilized. Russia also has the Chechnya factor — a threat of war, a threat to life, a threat of Chechen terrorist attacks. This situation could have a negative effect on Ukraine due to the large number of Russian-Ukrainian residents and Russian television program we get.

Yury LEVADA, director of the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion, Moscow:

There are numerous reasons for xenophobia here, one being that the Russian people does not like newcomers, especially from the south. This attitude has caused many clashes, although on a scale not as large as this latest one; such incidents have often taken place in Moscow and other cities. The trouble is that no guilty parties have ever been found and the population does not seem to mind. Ukrainians are not referred to the unwelcome stranger category. True, we have a lot of Ukrainian construction workers, but their presence is received quite calmly. I think that Ukraine also has such newcomers, and I suspect that they are also not always liked.

Yevhen HOLOVAKHA, Ph.D. in philosophy, senior research fellow, Ukrainian National Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology:

Russian society is evolving along the lines of authoritarian rule with elements of ethnophobia and imperial ideology. There are elements of fascism in the ideology of the Russian elite and in mass sentiments. As for all those quasi-fascist organizations, Russia has never actually resisted them. Moreover, our studies show that everyday anti-Semitism is spread in Ukraine on a larger scale, but unlike Russia we do not have political anti-Semitism, while political xenophobia is a real threat to public life. In Russia, numerous politicians come up with openly xenophobic statements and are carried by the Russian media. Such xenophobic gibberish cannot but effect the weaker intellect of people cherishing the prospect of fighting in the Caucasus. Still, this does not mean that the Russian younger generation is prepared to support the skinheads. The problem is the mass emotional mood manifest in loathing people of different ethnic origins. In this social atmosphere, with a licentious political elite and mass empathy with xenophobia, of course, fascist-like organizations have to appear. It is either or: either the Russian state finally succumbs to such sentiments or, while professing and declaring democratic values, begins to actually resist such trends. Fortunately, in Ukraine, unlike other post- Soviet states, the political tradition of xenophobia has not taken root, meaning that the likelihood of such phenomena is considerably lower, although we cannot rule it out completely. Therefore, events in Russia will not have a noticeable effect on Ukraine. Under the circumstances, we need the vigilance of three basic categories: politicians, the media, and the intellectual elite.

Compiled by Ruslana PISOTSKA
and Dmytro ZHYRENKO