The thorny path to freedom

Russian authorities are stubbornly refusing to officially register the People’s Freedom Party (its popular Russian acronym being Parnas). There is little likelihood of any courts of law in Russia being capable of resolving this issue, as few have any doubts about the potential of the existing vertical command. Parnas co-chairmen Mikhail Kasianov, Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Ryzhkov, and Vladimir Milov may have counted on some kind of miracle, like vying in the next presidential elections, but miracles only happen in movies. The Kremlin does not need competitors, and this has been demonstrated numerous times. To this end Russia’s liberals came up with the idea of a new protest movement meant to vote against all, including an active boycott of the Duma elections. The members of the movement explain that the upcoming elections on December 4, 2011, will be illegitimate, so anyone in his right political mind should just dump the ballot and urge the citizens to spoil their ballots. The fact remains that Russian ballots don’t have the “none of the above” option, and that urging people to boycott the election is against the law.

The Day called Boris NEMTSOV, one of the nakh-nakh founding fathers, co-chairman, People’s Freedom Party, member of the Bureau, Federal Political Council of Solidarity, asking for comment, and the interview covered a larger range of issues, including the 20-year-old attempted coup d’etat in what was still the Soviet Union; the specifics of post-Soviet development, particularly in Ukraine; the trial over Yulia Tymoshenko (e.g., 2009 gas accords); the current phase of Ukraine-Russia relationships; the distinction between Ukrainian and Russian societies; xenophobic and neo-Nazi moods.

AUGUST 1991 PUTSCH COMPLEX: HIGHLY MANIFEST IN RUSSIAN GOVERNANCE

Mr. Nemtsov, 20 years back events took place in the USSR that affected all post-Soviet history. Particularly the coup d’etat attempt in August 1991. How would you describe it from today’s point of view?

“To begin with, I am proud of having taken part in those historic events. Together with Boris Yeltsin we cleansed the ‘White House’ [popular appellation of what is officially known as the House/Building of Government of the Russian Federation]. There was The Day of Victory over the coup perpetrators, also The Day of Birth of Free Russia. Today, those in power [at the Kremlin] are making every effort to erase these events from people’s memory, simply because they are following in the coup’s footsteps. They hate civil liberties and are scared by people holding rallies. All complexes, including the imperial one shown during that attempted coup, are highly manifest in today’s go vernance. On the other hand, free Russia’s victory allowed the Soviet republics to gain national independence practically without shedding human blood. Therefore, I believe that Ukraine’s Independence Day has a lot to do with what happened in Moscow, on August 19-22, 1991. In fact, I have suggested to all Ukrainian presidents that they erect a monument to Yeltsin. No one has agreed, although the fact remains that Ukraine gained its independence peacefully thanks to Boris Yeltsin.”

Yes, but Ukraine has had its own dissidents who fought the regime for many years, seeking national independence.

“I believe that free Russia and independent Ukraine are a link in the same chain. Ukrainians had long struggled for their national independence until they received it in August 1991.”

Which of the post-Soviet countries arrived at the right conclusions after the attempted putsch?

“Estonia. It was the first post-Soviet republic to enter the euro zone. I guess its current investment rating is higher than that of the United States. This doesn’t mean that Estonia has solved all its economic problems. It means good progress. I would also mention other Baltic States, Latvia and Lithuania. Then I would mention Georgia, despite its staggering problems. Ukrainians and Russians should learn from Saakashvili’s experience, particularly from the way he has dealt with his economic and corruption problems. I would further single out post-Soviet countries that are especially hard put to survive the Soviet heritage: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan, each currently showing a strong dictatorship. Sad but true. Belarus should be mentioned as one of them. The crazy Belarusian dictator keeps dissidents behind bars and scorns his people, politically as well as economically. Belarus is going through the worst economic crisis, with its national currency crumbling, unprecedented unemployment rate, purges, misery, you name it.”

TYMOSHENKO TRIAL: NOTHING TO DO WITH LAW AND ORDER

How do you think Ukraine differs from other post-Soviet republics after celebrating the 20th anniversary of its national independence?

“I took part in the Orange Revolution and was sure that your democratic choice was unshakable. Now I realize I was wrong. You celebrated your Independence Day while a major opposition leader was in jail, with false charges pressed against her. I think it’s obvious that Tymoshenko accepted no bribes when making the gas accords with Putin. Yes, these accords show disputable clauses, but there is nothing like incriminating evidence. Then there was the confrontation between the opposition and militia on Independence Day. Such events are proof that Ukraine’s path to freedom and democracy remains winding and thorny, full of potholes, loopholes, and threats. I would like to wish the Ukrainian people perseverance, so your hopes for a better future and freedom come true in the end.

“In Saint Petersburg we have had elections using the Turkmenistan and North Korea scenarios. Ms. Matviyenko has won, collecting 97 percent of votes (actually more than 100 percent at certain polling stations). I’m afraid Tymoshenko’s arrest may end up in Ukraine transforming into another Turkmenistan or Belarus under Lukashenka. I am not an ardent exponent of Yulia Tymoshenko, but the Ukrainian state ought to be ashamed of keeping her in jail. In fact, the Tymoshenko trial has nothing to do with law and order. This is an obvious political reprisal. I became convinced of the fact after the Pechersk District [District] Court refused to hear Putin’s as witness testimony. She is charged with signing an agreement with Putin. Any lawful proceedings would imply Putin’s testimony. How can you blame a person of wrongdoing without questioning another person who was on the ‘crime scene?’”

NO LOVE LOST BETWEEN YANUKOVYCH AND RUSSIA

There are many in Ukraine who keep accusing Yulia Tymoshenko of endorsing the gas payment formula in the 2009 accords.

“Those accords were made with each party being in a hurry. There was gas war going on [between Russia and Ukraine], keeping Southern Europe freezing. The gas prices under study were then the European formula. And so the agreement [made by Tymoshenko] was very much like all those made by Italy, Germany, and other Western European countries. Tymoshenko got a 20 percent discount for the first year of gas supplies. She was happy. Oil price was low at time, some 70 dollars per barrel. Now gas price had everything to do with that of oil. Yulia Tymoshenko couldn’t have expected the oil price to jump to 110-120 dollars/barrel in a year or one half year’s time, with gas raising to 400 dollars and over. She flew back to Kyiv and announced that the gas price was absolutely acceptable: 230 dollars. She thought she would win the presidential campaign; she was actually very close to victory. Afterward, she would arrange for further discounts. But she lost the campaign and Ukraine lost all gas price discounts.

“Europe enjoys huge gas price discounts, simply because Berlusconi is Putin’s chum buddy and Merkel his business partner. Ukraine and Russia are at odds, so Europe can buy gas and pay much less. Yulia Tymoshenko should have said something like all that’s happened had to happen; no one could’ve expected the oil price to soar, just as no one could’ve expected my election fiasco. Yanukovych should have learned from Berlusconi and Merkel how to deal with Putin. She made no such statements. I remember taking part in Savik Shuster’s [Freedom of Speech] talk show with her. I told her to call a spade a spade, that there was nothing wrong with defending the interests of one’s state. She preferred to beat around the bush. Yanukovych, of course, called her bluff. I still can’t explain the reasons behind her making herself so vulnerable to her adversary. I think that Tymoshenko made a mistake, but a mistake isn’t a crime. Nor do I regard the European gas price formula the bad one. Ukraine simply had to fight for the same kind of discounts Italy and Germany have. The Ukrainian government ought to have taken this stand in the matter: Ukraine deserves the same discounts from Gazprom. Another option: Ukraine agrees to the gas supply prices Germany pays minus transit costs. Then I think there would be no room left for conflict. Why shouldn’t your leadership use any of these simple, self-apparent options? Instead, they’re keeping an opposition leader in jail, trying to cancel the gas accords, saying ‘We have arrested Tymoshenko not because we hate her, but because we want the 2009 gas accords canceled.’ These accords can be nullified only by Stockholm Arbitration Court. I don’t think that Ukrainian authorities will win the case in Sweden after arresting Yulia Tymoshenko, considering that she signed a perfectly legitimate agreement with Putin, so he and Russia’s current President Medvedev stand every chance of winning the case.

“What we have now is a situation with Yulia Tymoshenko in jail, her health failing, with everyone being aware that the Yanukovych team threw her behind bars to rid themselves of a strong political opponent, with the gas issue remaining unresolved, along with an ongoing scandal involving Moscow. Medvedev has officially declared that the gas accords will be implemented to a T. He is right. There are no reasons for acting otherwise. Yanukovych will fall out with Putin’s Russia over some or other matter before long. Tymoshenko will serve her prison term. He [Yanukovych] should come to terms with Russia’s current administration because Gazprom means business to Putin and Medvedev. I’m sure arrangements can be made without upsetting Ukraine’s sovereignty. I can’t see the situation with the gas pipeline as a symbol of independence. Other things should be regarded as this symbol.”

In other words, you are predicting a worsening of relationships between the Russian and Ukrainian leaderships?

“This is clearly apparent. Putin has voiced his support of Tymoshenko, for two reasons. First, he doesn’t want the existing gas accords reconsidered. Second, he is prime minister, so jailing his Ukrainian counterpart might establish an unwelcome precedent in Russia. Naturally, the Kremlin’s response to the Tymoshenko case reflects the conflict between the [current Russian and Ukrainian] administrations. Under the circumstances, Ukraine stands no chance of lowering Russia’s gas prices, leaving the Ukrainian people to suffer.”

ABSENCE OF IMPERIAL AMBITION: MAJOR DIFFERENCE BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA

What kind of power structure do you think Yanukovych is building in Ukraine?

“Yanukovych wants to change the excellent Ukrainian tradition whereby none of the presidents has taken too long residing in his office at Bankova Street [in Kyiv]. Change of power, the greatest achievement over the 20 years of our national independence. I envy Ukraine. Ukraine shows an example of replacing presidents easily, without bloodshed. Yanukovych wants to keep his presidency forever. This would be a catastrophe for your country. I think the sooner you replace your president, the better for Ukraine. Not because I’m his exponent or opponent. It’s just what he is doing, Putinizing Ukraine. This process includes ugly aspects such as making the man in the street miserable, destroying law and order, enriching the oligarchs, adding to the number of beggars. For Yanukovych, Putin’s example is highly enticing. He must have failed to read Kuchma’s book Ukraine Isn’t Russia.”

We know there is a difference between Russian and Ukrainian societies. How long do you think will hold office on Bankova Street?

“I have always been impressed by Ukrainians and their quiet approach to whoever is upstairs. I have never seen in Ukraine the kind of servility I have seen in Russia. This is probably the biggest difference between our societies. Perhaps the reason is that the Ukrainian state is made up of regions that have always kept close to Europe. I mean the west of Ukraine, the venue of struggle for national independence, and the central territories. Also, the eastern and southern regions that have never tended to bow and scrape before Moscow. I think that the absence of imperial tradition is what makes the big difference between Ukrainians and Russians. Another factor is that Ukraine is Eastern Orthodox, while Russia is Eastern-Orthodox-Muslim. Add here the Caucasus and imperial factor, both pushing Russia toward totalitarianism, stronger than Yanukovych’s desire to follow in Putin’s footsteps. Assuming that Ukrainians have a sense of national dignity, they will find someone to replace the current president. I can’t say who has been the best president of Ukraine over the past 20 years. Kravchuk should be acknowledged as a symbol of national independence. By changing presidents, Ukrainians do not let them get insolent and demonstrate their lower human qualities. I can only doff my hat and greet your frequent airing of the offices on Bankova St. I sincerely wish Yanukovych to be added to your gallery of ex-presidents of Ukraine.”

ELECTIONS IN RUSSIA: ANOTHER BRAINWASHING OPERATION

Russia’s Ministry of Justice has refused to register your People’s Freedom Party. Why?

“Because those in power are afraid of the opposition; they’re scared to confront a real political adversary. They are afraid we might spill the beans, about the Ozero Cooperative’s big shot making a fortune after Putin’s chairmanship; about Timchenko, Putin’s chum buddy, becoming a billionaire; about the relationships between Putin and Abramovich; about Beslan and why tanks fired their guns and soldiers their grenade launchers, aiming them at that school. That’s why they will go to any lengths to keep it the way they want it.”

You are a founding father of the nakh-nakh movement, urging people to protest parliamentary and presidential elections. Do you really think this is a way to improve the situation?

“The thing is that we have no elections as such in Russia. What matters is the votes counted, not ballots cast. Stalin thought so. Putin and Churov, the chairman of our Election Committee, provided for 97 percent votes for Valentina Matviyenko, and so we propose to hold protest rallies. If millions of ballots end up with vote against all, this will be sufficient proof that this election campaign in Russia is fake.”

During the 2010 presidential campaign in Ukraine, they also urged to vote for no one, so what? Yanukovych won.

“He did, but you had a legitimate presidential campaign, never mind the violations of the election law. Yanukovych defeated Tymoshenko by several percent. We have nothing like this in Russia. All our elections are special brainwashing campaigns, with the results forwarded to Putin’s office long before the ballots are opened and counted. You don’t doubt Putin becoming Russia’s next president, do you?”

Mikhail Prokhorov’s Right Cause. Do you think it is an actual outcome of the Putin-Medvedev confrontation or just going through the motions?

“Prokhorov is a figurehead leader of a party which is fully under Kremlin control, namely Surkov. The Kremlin appointed Shaykhutdinov, Zhirinovsky’s man, as chief of staff, then made Andrei Dunayev chairman of the executive committee. Surkov is making all personnel and political decisions. I think that Mikhail Prokhorov (he loves Ukraine as much as I do) has made a mistake. He must be tired of earning money.”