Active patriotism

Judging by his manners and way of dressing, the Tartak frontman Sashko Polozhynsky is an eternal teenager. Behind this stage image one can find an extraordinary personality. As a musician, he has developed an eclectic style — combining the modern neopunk rock his band plays with authentic Ukrainian vocals of Huliaihorod. He has given a hand to budding musicians by launching the TV project Fresh Blood and compiling a disk by Tartak and friends, System of Nerves, unearthing those who had already started slipping into oblivion. Obviously, as a man with a genuine sense of civic duty, capable of empathy, he has participated in numerous actions, such as “Don’t Be Indifferent!”, “Let Us Revive the Zaporizhian Sich,” and numerous other charitable projects, the proceeds of which were used to help physically impaired children. Furthermore, he has never been known to engage in any kind of showboating.

POLOZHYNSKY was recently The Day’s guest.

You were born in 1972, which means that you were a Young Pioneer, and then a Komsomol member. What was this transformation, from being a young Soviet man to a prestigious performer with an established civic stand?

“I consider myself a native of Lutsk, though technically I’m not: my great-grandfather was born in the country. But my grandfather and my father were born in Lutsk alright. In 1939, my grandfather, a soldier of the Polish Army, was taken as a prisoner of war. He escaped in 1944, if I remember right. He came back home, where he was mobilized by the Red Army and sent to Central Asia, instead of the front. My mom’s father fought in the Great Patriotic War. He received medals and decorations. However, our family didn’t use to tell of his service in battle or greet him on Victory Day. Only later did we get to know why. Two of my grandfather’s brothers were members of the Ukrainian Insurgency Army (UPA), which resulted in many reprisals. Back in those times quite a few Western Ukrainian families would live, so to speak, outside the regime. We didn’t. I remember I was very proud of being a Young Pioneer, and then, a Komsomol. The first alarm rang at the very first Komsomol meeting. I spoke against the candidacy of one very mediocre fellow student of mine. What I heard was, ‘Once in Komsomol, let others get there.’ But what about the statements to the effect that it was an organization for the very best?

“Then, perestroika began. Loads of new information became available. Three or four years later I was expelled from the Komsomol. Nothing political, just overdue contributions. Then followed the students’ revolution on granite, whose echo reached Lutsk of course; then participation in the Congress of the Society for the Mother Tongue in Kyiv…

“There was music, too. The late 1980s passed under the auspices of contemporary Russian rock: Kino, Alisa, DDT... But in 1989, after the festival ‘Chervona Ruta,’ I also discovered Ukrainian music.”

Many believe Chervona Ruta to have drawn a dividing line between Soviet and proper Ukrainian music.

“I perceived all Ukrainian-speaking songs, for example, those of Volodymyr Ivasiuk or Ihor Bilozir, as being Soviet. And suddenly, voila!, we had Ukrainian music! By the way, at the first Ruta one could observe some Banderite elements in the songs or in the singers’ behavior on stage.

“Roughly about that time Grandma dug up my granddad’s embroidered shirt from somewhere at the bottom of her chest. She had made it with her own hands. It was a perfect fit. My favorite outfit would include a denim jacket, a pair of jeans and sneakers (that was so cool then) and the embroidered shirt (it was cult apparel). Dressed like that, I was the king of the hill!”

At one point in time, you collected evidence from the UPA soldiers about the stormy times of the insurgency. You are friends with the UPA sotnik [lieutenant. – Ed.] Myroslav Symchych aka Kryvonis who spent almost 33 years in Soviet camps. When did you become involved with the history of the UPA?

“I remember, back from my childhood years, that among us kids Banderites enjoyed evident prestige. Come to think of it, what subjects for conversations did boys use to have back then, in my time? War movies. In many films, where the action was set in Ukraine, Banderites were mentioned — of course, as anti-heroes. Meanwhile, we took them to be the good guys. We knew they fought against the Soviets. We were proud of them, and we were proud to be living in Banderite land. And all this combined somehow with the Pioneer-Komsomol activities, and a Soviet-style conscience. I have no idea how it all coexisted.

“Then, as a freshman, I picked the UPA as the subject of my paper. I guess I wanted to spite them. It was the spring of 1991 — the Soviet Union was still there. There used to be ideological conflicts between the lecturers and the students. Arguments would erupt even on a personal level.

“I read everything I could lay hands on. An acquaintance of mine, whose father was in charge of propaganda with the Volyn Oblast communist party committee, gave me a book by Taras Bulba-Borovets, The Army Without a Country, to read. The chief propaganda officer of the Volyn oblast committee must have been a sophisticated type and was able to obtain publications from Canada, in order to better know his ideological enemy.

“Unfortunately, I only started to collect evidence much later, when there were few people left to speak with. And it was very hard to elicit information from survivors: some were well advanced in years, others were sick and weak, and yet others would come up with a prefabricated story, one for all interviews…

“I remember going to a festival in the town of Kosmach in Ivano-Frankivsk oblast. I invited Symchych to join us. And when we were passing the site of the battle of Rushir, we made a stop, and Myroslav started to tell where and what had happened. It was amazing!”

How do you view your reputation of being a nationalist?

“Personally, I do not conceal being a nationalist. For me, nationalism is active patriotism. Not so long ago I made the acquaintance of Volodymyr Panchenko, a businessman. He wrote a book, Formation of the Economic Platform for the Nationalist Movement in the 1920-1950s. My idea of this concept involves a lot of economic nationalism proper. In fact, it boils down to a policy defending a nation’s interests. From my perspective, nationalism underlays the creation of all present-day developed nations, even such multicultural ones as the US. They all started from creating a powerful political nation. This is nationalism as a basis for the creation of the state.”

You often take part in socially important or charitable projects. How far has the reconstruction of Khortytsia gone, where you and 17 other volunteers worked last year?

“At one point in time, quite a big sum of money — several million dollars — turned up and was meant to be used to rebuild the Zaporizhian Sich. Of course contractors helped draw the money without actually completing the work. And of course, they are not to be found. A typical Ukrainian swindle! I learned this from Maksym Ostapenko, the new director of Khortytsia Reserve. Actually, to find a way out, he sought help from Zaporizhian businessmen, members of the charitable foundation ‘Zaporizhian Patriot.’ I was invited for a one-day charitable action there. And then Mykola Tomenko and I, we had an epiphany — to organize a charity camp. There still was a lot of unskilled work to do, which could be done by unqualified people. For example, a bulldozer could not reach a certain spot and ramparts were needed, so that needed to be done by hand.

“Via youth patriotic organizations I sent out information about the project ‘Let Us Revive Zaporizhian Sich.’ Thus, with 17 volunteers, I arrived in Khortytsia. In the first couple of days the administration was at a loss, they did not know what assignment they should give us. Maybe they thought we had come just to show off. All the volunteers I spoke to said they were enjoying it tremendously! The only thing that upset me was that the constructions would not last long. Soon another renovation or complete reconstruction will be necessary: the contractors did not do a good job of it. We spoke about this, and the guys said that the people involved in these projects should feel with their hearts that they are reviving the Sich, rather than just working at yet another site.”

A couple of years ago, in an interview to The Day, you called Khortytsia a place with a unique energy. What other spots do you think to be as original and energetically powerful as to recommend them for our rubric, “The Great/Little Cities/Villages of Ukraine”?

“You know these places better than me! (Smiles). Nearly three weeks ago, I took part in an auto race to Kholodny Yar. I think it is well worth going there for a couple of days, in order to take a breath of history. The road from Kyiv to Kholodny Yar — along the Dnipro via Trypillia, Rzhyshchiv, Kaniv, and Cherkasy, is fantastic in itself. Watching those scenic landscapes alone brings immense joy.

“I loved Slavutych, a freshly-renovated and positive town. And there are so many places worth seeing! Of course, Volhynia beats them all. Last year I went to Lake Liubiaz with some friends. They chose to stay on the shore, and I moved to a small islet nearby. They spent nights on the ‘mainland,’ and during The Day came to see me. Man, I loved this life of Robinson Crusoe!”

Sashko, you visit SUM (Ukrainian Youth Union) and Plast [a children’s scout organization. – Ed.] camps and tour the country’s universities. What is your motivation?

“For me it’s important when young people come to such meetings because they are interested, and not because it is a scheduled event. I even begin with a request — that those who feel bored leave. Usually I begin by sharing a little about myself, the books I’ve read, Ukrainian history and present-day historical and social processes, and then we switch to the interview format. Usually these meetings leave vivid impressions and a lot of positive feelings. I think this is a kind of education. Of course I’m aware that I’m a sort of authority for young people.

“Does it weigh upon me? To a certain extent, it does. But only occasionally do I refrain from doing something because I am a role model for someone. I am who I am. My conscience is my best supervisor. When I sit watching TV and they start playing the national anthem, I spring up even though there is no one watching me at the moment. I just know that while the national anthem is playing you should stand to attention. Even if you are all by yourself. Likewise, I do not drop litter anywhere. I will carry candy wraps in my pocket, or carry them around in my car until I come across a dustbin.”

What do you think of the young ge-neration, which has not seen the Soviet era?

“Those young people are very diverse. They defy generalization. There are very pragmatic ones among them, and others that are shallow and dull – and of course, others who are gifted and talented. Not so long ago I took part in a protest action against the notorious draft law on languages outside the Verkhovna Rada. At first, it felt so sad: lots of people around us were absolutely uninspiring in their looks or behavior. But when I climbed an improvised rostrum and looked around, I saw many intelligent, enlightened faces and bright eyes. Some were wearing traditional Ukrainian embroidered shirts and Cossack locks, others — bright, baggy clothes and dreadlocks, perhaps the representatives of youth subcultures.”

The other day in an underground crossing, among a hundred other badges, I spotted one which read, “I Don’t Wanna Be the Hero of Ukraine” (a Tartak song title. – Ed.]. I think it is very significant. What do you think it indicates, besides feelings for the band? What is going to happen to the generation which listens to Tartak?

“I never make forecasts. But I think that only essentially good people are able to understand Tartak’s lyrics and music. Because we are convinced that we mostly try to convey the right message. As for the badge which reads, “I Don’t Wanna Be the Hero of Ukraine,” I hope that the others also voice their resentment, like me: this award is often conferred on individuals who are not worth it.”

Since starting your own authorial TV project Fresh Blood on Channel M1, you have been helping budding musicians. How do you assess the sequel, where your participation is limited to being a jury member?

“The two projects differ noticeably. The first was my ‘baby.’ I hosted it. All the participants of the projects were handpicked by me. Of course, I had to confirm them with the channel administration. But I suggested those whom I liked, thought to be the best, and was convinced that they deserved more attention. The second had nothing to do with me. However, it was pleasant to get an invitation.”

Who did your final vote go to?

“To FUNK-U. In my opinion, Zoriana was not always performing spotlessly. This is one thing. Second, she needed this victory less as she had much more experience and possibilities for further development. As for FUNK-U, they are not even one year old, if I’m not mistaken. Finally, FUNK-U’s funky music appeals to me a lot more than Zoriana’s pop-rock. But my favorites were Rock-H from Mukacheve. It’s a shame that they couldn’t make it to the final. I think they ought to have won.”

What shall one do when politicians try to browbeat not only their likes, but also musicians? The incident with Kolisnychenko and the festival “Haidamaka.UA” set a terrible precedent.

“I think it was an attempt to bully not as much the musicians as all that is Ukrainian. The incumbent regime (like the previous one, by the way) is totally uninterested in the ideology of patriotism, connected to the formation of an active Ukrainian political nation, because for the most part our power pursues own private interests. Meanwhile, the ideology of patriotism carries other values, based on public interests. Of course they are doing their best to stop it from becoming a ruling ideology, because it will mean the time for a new regime, which does not yet exist in Ukraine.

“That this strife indirectly affected the musicians — well, anyone knows that it is easy to hurt an artist. Though some artists proved that they were far from defenseless. Romko Chaika spoke about taking legal action [the band Mertvy Piven was ascribed lyrics which allegedly suggested stirring up national hatred. – Ed.] actually, Mertvy Piven has never sung this composition, moreover, they even could have never performed it. The quality of the lyrics ascribed to them is nowhere near the quality of theirs. The band normally writes songs to the lyrics by modern Ukrainian poets.”

We are trying to analyze the mistakes made by Ukrainian journalists. Yet musicians (when it comes to their impact on society, principally in regards to aesthetics) also bear great responsibility. In this case, what mistakes of the Ukrainian music community would you mention?

“Speaking of myself and the band, we are continually struggling for our own cultural space. We have to resist ideological and economic pressures. Sometimes there may be a subconscious desire to take the path of the least resistance. This constant inner and outer struggle has different effects on musicians: some succeed in pursuing their policy, while others make a U-turn. I would say that this responsibility for impacting society is only partly ours. It is society that is responsible for the rest. For being prejudiced against Ukrainian music, for indifference, laziness, and apathy.

“I would say that he who loves Ukrainian music should visit not only free jams where his favorite band appears, but also come listen to them at a club, where you have to pay an entrance fee. Or call FM stations and order songs by Ukrainian musicians. Or vote for them in Internet hit parades. Having surrendered the information space, we must live in it following the principle ‘United we stand.’”

Your site at www.sashko.com.ua contains an ultimatum…

“It is not an ultimatum. It is a question if we should formulate such an ultimatum. In a nutshell, we say that unless pro-Ukrainian political forces will abandon their ambitions and party interests, in order to unite efforts in the fight for Ukraine and Ukrainian rule, there is no way we will support their appeals and actions.”

This is a good initiative. Yet has it ever occurred to you that, in order to overcome disillusionment and raise morale, one should cultivate a positive attitude? For example, by speaking about Ukrainian heroes, who by the by are getting leveled so quickly here, and reminding people about Ukrainians’ successes… This will surely promote the creation of new civic organizations and the formation of resistance movement.

“Exactly. Maybe, this will form the basis for a new, effective civic force.

“Actually, I find nothing new in what is going on now. This is more or less how I pictured the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych. But I think this situation can be favorable. It is our chance to realize that Ukraine needs to be fought for. Because, should it have gone like in the previous 19 years, we wouldn’t have become Ukraine in the proper sense of the word. Instead, we would continue to be a post-Soviet state.

“Personally I keep a positive attitude. I believe that Ukraine has a future. I draw on the events of 2004 for my enthusiasm. I took immediate part in those events. Then I realized how Ukrainians could stand up for themselves! And it is not my opinion only. There are many of us.”