You asked for it, you got it

This week parliamentarians work behind closed doors, notably in the committees and constituencies. However, before going “underground,” the owners of deputy’s mandates amended over 30 laws. They revised the laws so that they comply with the new-old 1996 Constitution. Some changes will hit the weakened opposition. Firstly, now one can not just join the majority (the institute of the coalition was abo-lished), but even migrate from one faction to the other. In other words, having come to the Verkhovna Rada, for example, under orange banners, a deputy, if he or she wishes to, can legally become a “blue-white” one [the colors of the ruling Party of Regions – Ed.]. Second, a group of 15 deputies now has the same rights as a faction. Third, after the Constitutional Court’s decision, the term “opposition” sank into oblivion. Therefore, by a friendly supporting vote the deputies removed from the regulations of their work both the opposition and the notion of the “opposition government.” Members of the opposition Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko (BYuT) and Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defense were indignant and stated that they had been deprived of all rights, that people would not hear any opinions other than the go-vernment’s one.

What mechanisms of influence on the legislative process and the political situation in general will representatives of the parliamentary minority use in view of the new rules? Anatolii SEMYNOHA, one of the leaders of the BYuT faction, answered this and other questions in his interview to The Day.

You were a deputy of the Ver-khovna Rada of three convocations. Do you agree that today deputies became extras?

“I still remember the parliament which worked with Leonid Kuchma and which worked with this Constitution. But believe me, there was work in that Verkhovna Rada, there were discussions. There were no situations when one political force rammed laws through by using physical force. Regarding extras. Indeed, today they try to make them of the Verkhovna Rada MPs. But still not everyone became an extra. The opposition still tries to oppose this.”

How, by leaving the session chamber in a demonstrative manner? But the ruling majority is not affected by this move in any way.

“I agree that this is not the best option, to leave the session chamber, block the tribune, etc. But the opposition works within such frameworks, in those conditions, on the field where the government, the ruling majority allows it. If today the government tries to oust the opposition from the session chamber, force it onto the streets, I can assure you: the opposition can work there quite efficiently too. If the methods, which the opposition demonstrates today, are not efficient, this at least makes us look for other, perhaps more radical, solutions. I am sure that the opposition will find such methods, I want to remind you that in 2004 the BYuT was represented in the Ver-khovna Rada by 14 deputies, but we did find ways, we did work out mechanisms and influenced policies. We will find solutions this time as well.”

Who, in your opinion, should be responsible for this situation, when, having come to the Rada in the lists of the BYuT, deputies leave this faction? Shall voters for your political force expect new “turncoats”?

“First of all, I want to say that the faction of the BYuT is not a think tank, and these are not people brought from the Moon or another state. These are people from our society, so they are a reflection of this society. When we were forming the lists, we tried to include entrepreneurs, teachers, doctors, and state officials, so that all strata of the population were represented, and people voted for us. Actually all political forces had a similar situation. There were no other options and there could not be any. Yes, today one can blame the BYuT faction, but we can also blame ourselves, our society. How many times did the BYuT appeal to come to meetings, to support, to do something to fight for self-government in Kyiv, to prevent the possibility of signing the Kharkiv Agreements, raising gas and utilities prices? How many people came to these meetings?!”

Few people came, and this is a fact. But didn’t you think that this also indicates a low level of confidence in the opposition?

“I don’t think it’s an indicator of low confidence in the opposition. This is rather an indicator of patience of our society. When people came out to the Maidan, they had reached a critical point, they could not stand it anymore. However, I suppose, this government will reach the critical point very quickly, and people will look for leaders capable of uniting them, not separating. Therefore let us not say that someone else is responsible, because we are all on the same boat and we all bear the responsibility for our state — both the politicians and the media. Today one can also speak about journalism, or more precisely, how ‘objective’ it became.”

But you can’t help admitting that, in particular, parliamentary opposition members don’t have much enthusiasm. Let us recollect how by different methods they did not allow voting on ultimate questions. They turned off the switch in the Rada, stayed on duty in the session chamber all night, etc. I do not mean that such methods are the only efficient ones, I mean the absence of a creative approach, the enthusiasm for opposition activity.

“I will disagree with you in this case. There is enthusiasm, but there are no elaborate new methods. Today blocking does not produce any results, nor does appealing to consciences, referring to the international institutions — same thing. Therefore we will actively look for other forms.”

Can these be the mass street protests mentioned by Mykola Tomenko, your party colleague and deputy head of the Verkhovna Rada?

“Today we have been actively looking for ways to work efficiently in the Verkhovna Rada. We wish this work were constructive, so that the opposition could come to the parliament and by means of its arguments and political discussion influence both the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada and the political climate in Ukraine. Unfortunately, today neither the speaker, nor the ruling majority give this opportunity to us. I have recently listened to Yanukovych who said that he supported a country with a strong government, and that strong government should have a strong opposition. But what did he mean? Perhaps an appointed opposition? Those people who don’t want to unite.

Lately The Day has surveyed our experts who were to look for counterpoises to the government. What could these be?

“For example, a concrete situation. Recently I spoke in the parliament about my own bill. Amendments to the Administrative Code were adopted, according to which today it is forbidden to give an officially certified power of attorney for the right to drive a car. This system is extremely inconvenient for people, since the State Motor Vehicle Inspectorate (if you drive someone’s car) requires obtaining a temporary stub giving the right to drive a car of the person who trusts you. Firstly, this is too expensive, second, it leads to some inconveniences (one should go to the State Motor Vehicle Inspectorate, register this stub). It was much easier before: one went to a notary, obtained a power of attorney, and drove the car that one was entrusted with. It is absolutely evident that this bill is necessary. By the way, the Profile Committee supported it. But only due to the fact that it was submitted by me, a representative of the opposition, the majority refused to vote for it. Therefore, the Verkhovna Rada failed to produce a document that thousands of people waited for. It is clear that with such an approach the work of the Verkhovna Rada cannot be efficient.

“Where should one look for means to stop the usurpation of power in such a situation? There is nothing except for public opinion or social resistance.”